If -ft 


Harper's  Stereotype  Edition. 


THE 


HISTORY   OF    POLAND-, 


EARLIEST  PERIOD  TO  THE  PRESENT  TIME. 


BY  JAMES   FLETCHER,   ESQ. 

OF   TRINITY    COLLEGE,    CAMBRIDGE. 


WITH  A 

« 

NARRATIVE   OF   THE   RECENT   EVENTS 

Obtained  from  a  Polish  Patriot  Nobleman. 


NEW-YORK : 

PUBLISHED  BY  HARPER  &  BROTHERS, 
NO.  82  CLIFF-STREET. 

1835. 


ADVERTISEMENT 


THE  singular  orthography  of  the  names  is  not 
the  le^ft  difficulty  we  have  to  encounter  in  the 
minutiae  of  Polish  history,  and  it  has  been  greatly 
increased  by  the  attempts  of  most  writers  to  reduce 
them  nearer  to  their  pronunciation.  Chevalier,  in 
his  Preface  to  the  "  Histoire  de  la  Guerre  des 
Cosaques,"  published  in  1663,  justly  complains 
of  the  custom  of  authors,  even  in  his  time,  to 
"  estropier,"  as  he  terms  it,  these  words ;  and  the 
Revue  Encyclopedique  also  points  out  the  absurdity 
of  it.  The  Author  has  endeavoured  to  give  the 
Polish  spelling  as  correctly  as  possible,  and  sub- 
joins the  folio  wing  hints  for  pronunciation,  taken 
principally  from  the  "Letters,  Literary  and  Po- 
litical, on  Poland,  Edinburgh,  1823." 

All  vowels  are  sounded  as  in  French  and  Italian ; 
and  there  are  no  dipthongs,  every  vowel  being  pro- 
nounced distinctly.  The  consonants  are  the  same 
as  in  English,  except 

w>,  which  is  sounded  like  v,  at  the  beginning  of  a  word  ; 
thus,  Warsawa — Varsafa;  in  the  middle  or  at  the  end  of  a 
word  it  has  the  sound  of/,  as  in  the  instance  already  cited ; 
and  Narew — Nareff. 

Cj  like  te,  and  never  like  k ;  thus,  Pac  is  sounded  Patz. 

g,  like  g  in  Gibbon  ;  thus  Oginski. 

ch>  like  the  Greek  £  or  k ;  thus,  Lech — Lek. 

cz,  like  the  English  tch  in  pitch  ;  thus,  Czartoryski  pro- 
nounced Tchartvryski. 


8  ADVERTISEMENT. 

sz,  like  sh  in  shape ;  thus,  Staszyc  like  Stashytf. 
szcZ)  like  shtch ;  thus,  Szczerbiec  like  Shtcherbietz. 
rzj  like  j  in  jet  with  a  slight  sound  of  r ;  thus,  Rzewusld 
—Kjevuski. 

The  Author  gladly  avails  himself  of  jthe  present 
opportunity  to  express  his  thanks  for  the  commu- 
nication so  kindly  furnished  by  E.  H.  Barker,  Esq. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 


Remote  History — Ancient  Records— Historians — Three  Periods  of  Po- 
lish History— Military  Despotism— Dethronement  of  Popiel — Piast's 
Accession— Piast  Dynasty— State  of  Poland— Accession  of  Miec- 
zylas— Introduction  of  Christianity — Boleslas  the  Great— Invested 
with  Regal  Dignity— Defeats  the  Russians— Is  again  victorious — 
Obtains  the  Name  of  "the  Terrible"— Casi mi r  I.— Polish  Revolu- 
tion—Insurrection of  the  Serfs— Casimir  recalled  from  Exile— Bo- 
leslas II.  takes  Kiow— Infidelity  of  the  Polish  Women— Murder  of 
the  Bishop  of  Cracow— Boleslas  excommunicated  and  dethroned — 
His  Character— Anecdotes— Polish  Militia — Campaigns  of  Boleslas 
IV.— Reign  of  Casimir  II.,  called  the  Just— The  Teutonic  Knights— 
Casimir  the  Great — Formation  of  the  Diet—Polish  Laws — Pacta 
Conventa — End  of  the  Piast  Dynasty Page  13 

CHAPTER  II. 

Hedwiga  marries  Jagellon,  Duke  of  Lithuania — Jagellon  Dynasty  com- 
mences 1386— Lithuanians— Their  Origin,  Religion,  and  History — 
Union  with  Poland— Union  of  the  Romish  and  Greek  Churches — 
Jagellon  defeats  the  Teutonic  Knights— Wladislas  succeeds,  1433— 
Defeats  the  Sultan  Amurath— Is  killed  in  the  Battle  of  Varna — Casi- 
mir IV.— Subdues  the  Teutonic  Knights — Polish  Prussia  added  to  the 
Kingdom— Origin  of  the  Polish  Diets,  1468— State  of  Learning  in 
Poland  under  Casimir — Printing  introduced — John  Albert,  1492 — 
Ascendency  of  the  Nobles — Alexander— Sigismund  I. — Annihilation 
of  the  Teutonic  Knights— Sigismund  Augustus— Order  of  the  Livo- 
nian  Knights  suppressed— Union  with  Lithuania  consolidated— State 
of  Learning  under  Sigismund— Copernicus— Zaluzianski,  the  Polish 
Linnaeus— Religious  Toleration — Trade  of  the  Jews— Termination, 
of  the  Jagellon  Dynasty,  1572 — Remarks  on  this  Period Page  44 

CHAPTER  ILL 

Poland  becomes  an  elective  Monarchy — Religious  Toleration — Henry 
of  Anjou  elected— Henry  absconds— Stephen  Batory — Introduces  the 
Jesuits-^Disciplines  the  Cossacks— Origin,  Manners,  &c.  of  the  Cos- 
sacks— Sigismund  III.,  Prince  of  Sweden,  elected— Swedes  revolt,  and 
expel  Sigismund— Demetrius,  the  Russian  Impostor— War  with  Rus- 
sia—The Poles  take  Moscow,  and  carry  the  Czar  Prisonejr  to  Warsaw 


10  CONTENTS. 

—A  Pole  Czar  of  Russia— Zolkiewski-  War  with  Gustavus  Adol- 
phus— Wladislas  VII.  -T',io  Revolt  of  the  Cossacks— Casimir  TIL— • 
Charles  Gustavus  overruns  Poland— Is  repelled— Treaty  of  Oliva — 
Project  of  Partition— Revolts  of  the  Nobles -Casimir  abdicates  the 
Throne— Liberum  Veto Page  59 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Michael  Wiec.nowec.ki  elected— Intrigues  against  him— War  with  Tur- 
key—Treaty of  Buczacz— Royal  Confederation— Treaty  broken— Death 
of  Michael— Battle  of  Chocim— Election  of  Sobieski— Sobieski's  Ances- 
try— Life,  &c.— Battle  of  Leopol— Coronation— Sobieski's  Danger — 
Treaty  of  Zuranow— Alliance  with  Austria— Siege  of  Vienna— Sobi- 
eski succours  Vienna  and  defeats  the  Turks— Leopold's  Ingratitude— 
Sobieski  defeated  by  the  Turks— Consequences  of  this  War— Intrigues 
—War  renewed— Complaints  of  the  Diet— Religious  Persecution— 
Sobieski  takes  the  Jews  into  favour — Disorders  of  the  Government — 
Sobieski  dies Page  81 

CHAPTER  V. 

Augustus  II.,  Elector  of  Saxony,  raises  himself  to  the  Throne— De- 
tains his  Saxon  Troops  in  Poland— Makes  Peace  with  Turkey — At- 
tempts to  seize  Livonia — Forms  an  Alliance  with  Peter  the  Great  of 
Russia— Defeated  by  Charles  XII.  of  Sweden— Dethroned  by  Charles 
XII.— Stanislas  raised  to  the  Throne — Augustus  resumes  the  Crown, 
and  is  again  deposed— Charles  defeated  at  Puliowa— Augustus  reas- 
cends  the  Throne— Charles  XII.  Prisoner  in  Turkey — Returns  to 
Sweden— Attempt  to  assassinate  Stanislas— Death  of  Charles— Op- 
pression of  the  Protestants — Death  of  Augustus Pag  e  122 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Stanislas  re-elected— The  Russians  enter  Poland,  and  proclaim  the 
Elector  of  Saxony  King— Siege  of  Dantzig— Escape  of  Stanislas  from 
Dantzig— Stanislas  abdicates — Augustus  III.— Count  Brulh,  Prime 
Minister — Intrigues  of  the  Czartoryski  Family — Frederick  the  Great 
invades  Saxony — The  Death  of  the  Empress  Elizabeth  terminates  the 
War — Intrigues  of  Poniatowski  and  Catharine— Life,  Education,  &c. 
of  Poniatowski— Catharine  murders  Peter  and  is  proclaimed  Empress 
— Poniatowski's  Disappointment— His  Intrigues — Factions  against 
Augustus— Death  of  Augustus Page  143 

CHAPTER  VH. 

Forced  Election  of  Stanislas  Poniatowski — Bold  Resistance  of  Mokra- 
nowski — Confederation — The  Confederates  offer  the  Crown  to  Henry, 
Brother  of  Frederic  the  Great— Coronation  of  Stanislas— Anecdote 
of  Stanislas — Claims  of  the  Dissidents;  supported  by  Russia ;  rejected 
by  the  Diet— Confederacy  of  the  Dissidents— Confederacy  of  the  Con- 
stitutionalists— Repnin's  Treachery — Polish  Bishops  banished  to  Si- 
beria— Dissidents  confirmed  in  their  Rights— Confederacy  of  Bar— 


CONTENTS.  ]  1 

Attempt  to  seize  Repnin — Bar  taken  by  the  Russians— Rupture 
between  Russia  and  Turkey— Defeat  of  the  Turks— State  of  the  fun- 
federates— The  Confederates  transfer  their  Council  to  Eperies — Visited 
by  Joseph  II Page  166 

CHAPTER  VHI. 

Grand  Plan  of  the  Russian  Campaign  in  1770— Insurrection  of  Greece— 
Elphinston  sails  into  the  Dardanelles — Russian  Fleet  in  the  Levant — 
Defeat  of  the  Turks  by  Land— State  of  the  Confederates — French 
Agents,  M.  de  Taules,  Dumourier,  and  Viomenil — Valiant  Defence  of 
Czenstochowa — Viomenil's  Account  of  the  Confederates— Saldern,  and 
Russian  Cruelties— The  Austrians  seize  Zips — The  Prussians  enter 
Poland — Attempt  to  carry  off  Stanislas  from  Warsaw— Decline  of  the 
Confederacy — Treachery  of  Zaremba — Treaty  between  Russia,  Aus- 
tria, and  Prussia— Dispersion  of  the  Confederates Page  195 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Origin  of  the  Plan  of  Partition— Prediction  of  Stanislas— Relations  of  the 
three  Powers— Frederic— Maria  Theresa— Kaunitz— The  Emperor 
Joseph  has  an  Interview  with  Frederic  at  Neiss— Interview  at  Neu- 
stadt— Frederic's  Encroachments  and  Tyranny  in  Polish  Prussia — 
The  Austrians  seize  Zips—Prince  Henry's  Visit  to  Petersburg — Prince 
Henry  proposes  the  Partition— The  three  Powers  sign  the  Treaty  of 
Partition— Division— "Defences"  of  the  three  Powers — "  Deduction," 
&c.— The  Diet  of  Partition— Patriots,  Reyten,  Korsak,  <fcc.— Poninski, 
the  Marshal— Reyten's  bold  Resistance— The  Diet  appoint  Commis- 
sioners -The  Treaty  is  ratified— Permanent  Council — Inaction  of 
Foreign  Powers Page  208 

CHAPTER  X. 

State  of  Poland— Stanislas  proposes  a  Reform— Diet  of  1788,  or  Con- 
stitutional Diet— Alliance  with  Prussia-jConstitution  of  the  3d  of 
May — Irresolution  of  Stanislas — Treachery  of  Frederic  William — 
Opposition  of  Russia  to  the  Polish  Reform — Confederacy  of  Targowica 
—Frederic  William's  Letter  to  Stanislas— The  Russians  enter  Poland 
— Irresolution  of  Stanislas — The  Prussians  enter  Poland— Frederic's 
Manifesto — Opposition  of  the  Confederates  to  Russia  overcome — 
Frederic's  Claims — Tyranny  of  Sievers— Concession  of  the  Diet  — 
Second  Partition Page  235 

CHAPTER  XI. 

Patriots  at  Dresden  and  Leipzig— Patriotic  Conspiracy  at  Warsaw — The 
Patnots  of  Warsaw  correspond  with  Kosciusko — The  Russian  Minis- 
ter orders  the  Troops  to  disband — Madalinski  refuses,  and  marches  to 
Cracow — Kosciusko  enters  Cracow— Confederacy  of  Cracow— Kosci- 
usko declared  Generalissimo — Kosciusko's  Life— Kosciusko  marches 
against  the  Russians — Insurrection  at  Warsaw,  and  Expulsion  of  the 
Russians— Lithuania— Barbarities  at  Warsaw — Kosciusko's  Camp  at 


12  CONTENTS. 

Wola— The  King  of  Prussia  invests  Warsaw ;  retreats— Insurrection 
in  Great  Poland — Suwarow  marches  against  the  Patriots— Battle  of 
Macieiowice,  and  Kosciusko  taken  Prisoner— The  Russians  take  Praga 
— Massacre  of  Praga— Warsaw  surrenders — Russian,  Prussian,  ani 
Austrian  Prisoners— Third  Partition—Stanislas's  Abdication ;  Death  ; 
and  Character Page  256 

CHAPTER  XIL 

Polish  Patriots  at  Paris  and  Venice — The  French  Directory  promise 
Assistance — Polish  Confederacy  at  Paris — Oginski  sent  to  Constanti- 
nople— Buonaparte's  Letter  to  Oginski— Polish  Confederacy  in  Wala- 
^hia  broken  up — The  Emperor  Paul,  on  his  Accession,  liberates  the 
Polish  captives— Kosciusko— Polish  Legions ;  in  Lombardy ;  at  Rome 
—Suwarow,  in  Italy,  defeats  the  Second  Legion — Battle  of  Novi— 
Legion  of  the  Danube— Legions  perish  in  St.  Dorningo— War  declared 
between  France  and  Prussia— The  French  enter  Warsaw — Treaty  of 
Tilsit— Grand-dutchy  of  Warsaw— Frederic  Augustus— New  Con- 
stitution—Diet of  1809— War  with  Austria— The  Austrians  enter 
Warsaw — Prince  Poniatowski  invades  Gallicia— Retreat  of  the  Aus- 
trians— Part  of  Gallioia,  &c.  added  to  the  Grand-dutchy Page  275 

CHAPTER  Xm. 

State  of  the  Dutchy  of  Warsaw  in  1812— Napoleon's  Designs ;  Treaty 
with  Austria— Alexander's  Treatment  of  the  Lithuanians— Russian 
Invasion — Napoleon  enters  Wilna — Napoleon's  Answer  to  the  Poles 
*— Confederacy— Burning  of  Moscow  and  Retreat  of  the  French — 
Wilna  and  Warsaw  entered  by  the  Russians— Prince  Poniatowski. 
retires  to  Cracow ;  joins  Buonaparte  in  Saxony ;  is  drowned  at  Leipzig 
— Polish  Legions  follow  Napoleon  to  France— The  Allies  enter  Paris 
— Koscius-ko's  Letter  to  Alexander — Alexander's  Answer— Dom- 
browski  and  the  Polish  Legion  return  to  Warsaw — Congress  of  Vienna 
— The  Kingdom  of  Poland  annexed  to  Russia — New  Constitution — 
Lithuania,  Posnania,  Gallicia,  and  Cracow — Diet  of  1818— Infringe- 
ments of  the  Constitution — Death  of  Alexander — Nicholas — Poles 
involved  in  the  Russian  Conspiracy ;  acquitted — Nicholas  crowned  at 
Warsaw  in  1829— Infringements  of  the  Constitution— Prospects  of 
Poland Page  294 

NARRATIVE  OF  RECENT  EVENTS. 

Preliminary  Views— The  Grand-duke  Constantine's  Barbarities — Po- 
litical Persecutions— Case  of  Major  Lukasinski— Revolution  of  1830 
— Attack  on  Constantine's  Palace — Escape  of  Constantine— Rise  of 
the  Engineers  and  Students — Polish  Troops  join  the  Patriots— Chlo- 
picki  appointed  Dictator ;  resigns  the  Command  of  the  Army  to  Skrzy- 

necki Page  312 

Memoir  of  the  President  of  Poland — ...  329 

APPENDIX 333 


THE  O^» 

HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 


CHAPTER  L 

Remote  History— Ancient  Records— Historians— Three  Periods  of  Po» 
lish  History— Military  Despotism— Dethronement  of  Popiel— Piast's 
Accession— Piast  Dynasty — State  of  Poland— Accession  of  Miec- 
zylas— Introduction  of  Christianity — Boleslas  the  Great — Invested 
With  Regal  Dignity— Defeats  the  Russians— Is  again  victorious— 
Obtains  the  Name  of  "  the  Terrible" — Casimir  I.— Polish  Revolu- 
tion—Insurrection of  the  Serfs— Casimir  recalled  from  Exile— Bo- 
leslas II.  takes  Kiow— Infidelity  of  the  Polish  Women— Murder  of 
the  Bishop  of  Cracow— Boleslas  excommunicated  and  dethroned — 
His  Character— Anecdotes— Polish  Militia— Campaigns  of  Boleslaa 
IV.— Reign  of  Casimir  II.,  called  the  Just— The  Teutonic  Knights— 
Casimir  the  Great — Formation  of  the  Diet— Polish  Laws — Pacta 
Conventa — End  of  the  Piast  Dynasty. 

THE  Poles  pretend  to  carry  back  their  annals  to 
the  remotest  periods ;  some,  indeed,  go  so  far  as  to 
trace  their  descent  from  Lech,  a  great-grandson  of 
Noah.  From  him  they  make  the  Heneti,  the  Atveroi 
of  Homer,  Herodotus,  ^Eschylus,  and  Euripides,  de- 
Ascend.  These  they  consider  the  progenitors  of  the 
Sarmatians,  who  were  their  own  immediate  ances- 
tors. Much  curious  and  fanciful  speculation  is 
wasted  on  this  point  by  the  Polish  historians ;  but 
the  fact  is,  that  all  this  grand  superstructure  of 
genealogy  is  reared  on  the  petty  foundation  of 
the  resemblance  of  two  words.  The  relation  with 
Lech,  whom  they  call  a  great-grandson  of  Noah,  is 
derived  merely  from  some  fanciful  affinity  between 
B 


14  HISTORY   OF   POLAND. 

the  name  of  Lech,  one  of  the  monarchs  who  figure 
in  their  ancient  and  fabulous  annals,  and  that  of 
some  individual  whom  they  meet  with  in  the  family- 
tree  of  the  patriarch.  The  inferred  connexion  be- 
tween the  Sarmatians  and  the  Heneti,  or  An/trot,  is  still 
more  arbitrary,  if  possible.  The  Sarmatians,  or 
some  tribe  of  them,  adopted  the  name  Sclavonians, 
most  probably  from  vanity,  being  derived  from  Slawa, 
which,  in  their  dialect,  signifies  glory  or  honour ;  so 
that  Sclavonians  means  the  honourable  or  glorious 
nation.  The  Greek  word  AIVCTOI  is  of  the  same  signi- 
fication, which  solves  the  important  mystery.  We 
will  now  take  leave  of  these  fictions,  and  proceed  to 
something  more  palpable  and  substantial. 

The  most  ancient  records  preserved  in  the  ar- 
chives of  the  country  are  a  memorandum  of  a  pri- 
vate family-compact,  dated  1088,  and  a  bull  of  Pope 
Clement  III.,  which  was  issued  about  the  end  of  the 
twelfth  century.  The  monks,  who  introduced  Chris- 
tianity into  Poland  about  the  year  960,  were  the  first 
who  were  acquainted  with  writing  in  the  kingdom, 
and  made  records.  This  has  been  the  case,  indeed, 
with  almost  all  the  other  countries  of  Europe ;  but 
with  them,  the  history,  prior  to  the  monkish  annals, 
is  preserved  in  the  songs  of  the  national  bards.  The 
rhythm  and  measure  of  verse  keep  this  kind  of  tra- 
dition almost  inviolably  the  same  as  it  came  from 
the  lips  of  the  poet ;  and  the  only  question,  therefore, 
is  about  its  original  authority.  Some  scanty  infor- 
mation may  thus  be  derived  from  the  traditional 
songs  of  a  country ;  but  no  light  of  this  kind  is  shed 
on  the  darkness  of  the  early  Polish  history.  The 
Poles  had  either  no  bards  or  wandering-  minstrels,  or 
possessed  at  that  time  so  little  taste  for  song,  that 
their  effusions  have  been  forgotten,  and  all  the  first 
generations  of  the  people,  unembalmed  by  the  muse, 
have  mouldered  into  their  kindred  dust,  and  are  heard 
of  no  more. 

The  monks,  therefore,  were  the  first  repositories 


SITE   AND   CONFINES    OF   POLAND.  15 

of  learning.  Almost  all  the  Polish  historians,  from 
Martin  Gallus,*  who  lived  in  the  twelfth  century,  and 
whose  works  are  the  oldest  extant  on  the  subject  till 
nearly  the  seventeenth,  were  of  the  clerical  order, 
and  wrote  in  Latin.  The  Bishop  Naruszewicz,  who 
was  employed  by  the  government  in  1780  to  compile 
a  history  of  Poland,  and  had  all  possible  access  to 
information,  both  in  his  own  country  and  elsewhere, 
found  himself  obliged  to  suppress  the  first  volume 
which  he  meditated  on  the  early  ages,  and  make  his 
narrative  commence  with  the  introduction  of  Chris- 
tianity. 

This  occurred  in  the  year  965  A.D.;  from  which  time 
»we  have  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  national 
events  were  recorded  by  contemporary  writers.  Tra- 
dition says,  that  about  135  years  prior  to  this  period 
a  fundamental  change  took  place  in  the  government 
by  the  accession  of  the  family  of  Piast  to  the  throne ; 
and  as  the  rumour  of  this  event  must  have  been  com- 
paratively fresh  in  the  memory  of  the  generation  of 
Poles  then  living  (who,  at  least,  might  have  received 
it  in  the  third  or  fourth  generation),  we  may  include 
this  period  in  the  authentic  history,  and  will  there- 
fore from  this  date  our  narrative. 

The  family  of  Piast,  who  came  to  the  throne  830 
A.  D.,  preserved  their  authority,  with  some  interrup- 
tion, till  1386,  A.  D.,  when  the  dynasty  of  the  Jagellons 
commences.  This  last,  continued  till  1572  A.  D.,  at 
which  time  the  crown  became  elective.  The  history 
thus  divides  itself  into  three  periods,  which  division 
we  shall  adopt. 

The  site  and  confines  of  Poland  at  this  early  time 
are  very  indefinitely  described  by  historians ;  but  we 
may  infer  from  various  landmarks  which  occur  in  the 
history  that  it  lay  between  the  Vistula  and  Oder,  ex- 
tending not  much  beyond  the  modern  Posen  to  the 
north,  and  barely  as  far  as  the  Carpathian  mountains 

*  Between  the  years  1110  and  1135. 


16  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

to  the  south,  comprising  the  greater  portion  of  what 
is  called  Poland  Proper.*  This  district  was  most 
probably  stocked  with  inhabitants  by  the  superabun- 
dant population  of  the  erratic  tribes  on  the  east  of 
the  Vistula,  who  advanced  westward  to  occupy  the 
countries  vacated  by  the  savage  hordes  who  over- 
whelmed the  Roman  empire.  These  would  be  called 
by  classic  geographers  Sarmatians,  an  indefinite 
name,  which  served  in  the  ancient  maps  to  fill  up  all 
the  unexplored  tract  from  the  Vistula  to  the  Volga. 
Some  of  these  tribes,  as  above  mentioned,  assumed  the 
name  of  Sclavonians,  and  the  portion  who  settled  in 
Poland  gave  the  country  that  title  from  a  Sclavonic 
word  signifying  a  plain, — Poland  being  almost  one 
uninterrupted  level.f 

The  government  of  a  rude  people  is  uniformly 
found  to  be  arbitrary:  formed  and  defended  by  a 
savage  soldiery,  it  must  always  eventually  succumb 
to  a  military  despotism.  The  business  of  war,  more 
than  any  other,  must  be  performed  by  simultaneous 
exertion ;  and  this  can  only  be  ensured  by  enducing 
the  individuals  of  a  society  to  form  together  and  to 
serve  under  one  heavy  yoke.  When  the  weight 
becomes  too  galling,  the  yoke-fellows  can  readily 
throw  it  off,  but  it  is  only  to  resume  it ;  for  the  same 
reasons  which  led  them  to  submit  to  it  in  the  first 
instance  again  operate  to  oblige  them  to  own  its 

*  The  landmarks  mentioned  in  the  text,  from  which  we  deduce  the 
limits  of  Poland  at  this  period,  are  as  follows : — Gnesne  and  Posen,  which 
are  almost  in  the  same  latitude,  were  cities  of  note  even  at  this  early 
period.  Gnesne  was  for  some  time  the  seat  of  government,  and  was 
made  an  archiepiscopal  see  at  the  first  introduction  of  Christianity. 
Allowing,  therefore,  a  little  farther  extent  towards  the  north,  we  have 
the  boundary  on  this  side.  The  eastern  limits  could  not  have  been 
much,  if  at  all,  beyond  the  Vistula;  for  we  find,  that  in  the  invasion  of 
Russia  by  Boleslas  I.,  about  1000  A.  D.,  he  is  stopped  by  the  river  Bug,  or 
Bog,  in  the  Russian  territory.  Hungary,  Bohemia,  and  Silesia,  with 
whom  Poland  was  continually  waging  war,  mark  out  its  boundaries  on 
the  south  and  west. 

f  "An  observer  in  a  balloon  might  pass  at  the  height  of  twenty  toises 
over  almost  the  whole  of  Poland,  without  fear  of  coming  in  contact  with 
any  mountains  or  other  obstructions." — L'Observateur  en  Pologne  par 
Hubert  Vautrin. 


MIRACULOUS    STORY    OF    PIAST.  17 

sway.  The  Polish  voyvodes,  or  barons,  had  just  ex- 
erted their  power,  and  emancipated  themselves  thus 
early  from  the  tyranny  of  their  despot  duke  or  leader, 
who  is  known  by  the  name  of  Popiel,  at  the  period 
when  our  history  commences.  They  say  that  Heaven 
fought  for  them ;  and  describe,  in  the  figurative  lan- 
guage of  illiterate  barbarism,  that  a  swarm  of  rats 
were  bred  in  the  dead  bodies  of  the  tyrant's  victims, 
which  exacted  retribution  for  their  wrongs,  destroy- 
ing the  whole  of  his  hated  family  without  exception. 

Dreading  to  suffer  a  repetition  of  the  horrid  scene 
of  tyranny,  the  Poles  determined  to  enjoy  for  a  time 
the  sweets  of  unrestrained  liberty;  but  justice  with- 
out her  sword  had  no  power  over  a  horde  of  savages, 
and  they  were  therefore  obliged  to  restore  it  to  her. 
Assembling  to  appoint  their  chief  magistrate,  great 
contests  naturally  ensued,  and,  as  is  generally  the 
case  in  such  matters,  while  the  powerful  were  op- 
posing each  other's  pretensions,  an  humble  individual, 
whose  low  condition  allowed  him  to  pass  unnoticed 
through  the  crowd  of  competitors,  possessed  himself 
of  the  vacant  throne.  Perhaps  the  enraged  candi- 
dates, rather  than  allow  one  of  their  opponents  to 
obtain  the  victory,  vented  their  spleen  in  fixing  on 
this  obscure  person.  The  story  is  differently  related 
by  monkish  writers,  and  is  embellished  not  a  little 
with  miracle. 

As  political  troubles  seldom  come  alone,  a  famine 
now  added  to  the  calamity  of  discord  and  anarchy. 
Death,  in  its  most  horrid  forms,  was  carrying  on  its 
ravages  among  the  people,  when  two  angels,  says 
the  old  monkish  historian,  arrived  at  Cracow,  and 
took  up  their  abode  with  one  Piast,  a  poor  artisan  (a 
wheelwright),  son  of  Kossisco,  a  citizen  of  Krus- 
witza,  which  was  then  the  seat  of  power.  Piast  had 
already  a  character  for  hospitality,  but,  like  the  poor 
widow's  of  Samaria,  his  stock  of  provisions  was 
reduced  to  his  last  cruse.  But  even  this,  which  was 
a  small  cask  of  wine,  he  shared  with  his  guests,  who, 
B2 


18  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

admiring  his  charity  and  benevolence,  promised  him 
the  crown  of  Poland.  The  faith  of  Piast,  says  the 
historian,  was  equal  to  his  other  virtues,  and  this 
removed  the  mountains  which  stood  between  him 
and  the  throne.  Implicitly  following  the  directions 
of  his  angel  visiters,  he  distributed  the  contents  of  his 
little  cask  among  the  thirsty  multitude,  and  found 
that  "  it  failed  not."  The  people  cried  out  that  he 
was  chosen  by  the  gods  to  be  the  father  of  his  nation, 
and  the  voyvodes,  or  barons,  complying  with  their 
wish,  took  him  from  his  shop,  and  "  set  him  among 
princes." 

It  was  about  the  year  830  that  Piast  was  elevated 
to  the  ducal  dignity.  His  power  was  controlled 
only  by  his  own  will  and  the  fear  of  his  subject 
barons,  but  he  did  not  abuse  his  authority.*  The 
Poles,  although  indebted  to  him  for  nearly  thirty-one 
years'  peace,  have  preserved  scarcely  any  remem- 
brance of  him,  but  his  name.  This  however  is  an 
"expressive  silence:"  it  was  a  greater  glory,  and 
required  a  more  powerful  mind,  to  keep  his  restive 
and  warlike  subjects  within  due  bounds  for  such  a 
space  of  time,  than  to  leave  a  name  emblazoned 
with  victories  and  "  all  the  pomp  and  circumstance 
of  war." 

The  Poles  at  this  period  were  like  all  other  bar- 
barous nations ;  the  mass  of  the  people  were  almost 
slavesf  to  the  voyvodes,  whose  only  business  was 


*  He  made  Gnesne  the  seat  of  government.  Tradition  says  that  this 
city  was  of  much  more  ancient  date  than  Piast,  having  as  well  as  Posen 
been  founded  by  Lech,  one  of  the  traditionary  dukes  who  lived  about 
550  A.  D.  It  was  named  Gnesne  from  a  word  signifying  nest  in  Polish, 
as  an  eagle's  nest  was  found  there.  For  this  reason  also,  says  Puf- 
fendorf,  an  eagle  is  the  national  crest;  and  on  the  same  account  the 
order  of  knighthood  of  the  white  eagle  was  so  entitled. 

f  We  say  almost  slaves,  for  at  this  period  they  were  not  entirely 
subject  to  the  barons.  With  the  exception  of  some  slaves  taken 
prisoners  in  war,  or  bought,  who  were  only  to  be  found  in  the  houses  of 
the  great  lords,  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants  were  free  and  equal  in  the  eye 
of  the  law. — Essai  Historique  sur  la  Legislation  Polonaise  Civile  et 
Criminelle,  par  Joachim  Lelewel. 


STATE    OF    THE    POLES MIECZYLAS  I.        19 

war  and  hunting :  the  only  laws  were  will  and  fear, 
and  their  only  religion  a  gross  idolatry.  Without 
arts  or  commerce,  their  sole  pursuits  were  the  use  of 
their  weapons  and  athletic  sports:  nearly  uncivil- 
ized, and  with  their  minds  unoccupied  by  a  par- 
ticle of  science  and  learning,  they  thought  only  of 
"  what  they  should  eat,  or  what  they  should  drink, 
or  wherewithal  they  should  be  clothed."  Their 
taste  was  exercised  only  in  the  embellishment  of 
their  arms,  and  their  judgment  in  the  choice  of  their 
horses. 

The  ducal  authority  descended  from  son  to  son  of 
the  posterity  of  Piast,  in  almost  unquestioned  suc- 
cession ;  but  their  names  serve  for  little  more  than  to 
fill  the  vacant  niches  of  history  till  the  accession  of 
Mieczylas  I.  This  prince  came  to  the  throne  in  the 
year  964  A.  D. 

He  was  born  blind ;  but  at  the  age  of  seven,  with- 
out any  assignable  cause,  he  gained  his  sight.  Such 
an  opportunity  for  the  exultation  of  national  bigotry 
could  not  be  allowed  to  pass  unnoticed,  and  the  event 
was  accordingly  attributed  to  a  wonderful  interpo- 
sition of  supernatural  power.  The  monks,  who  in- 
troduced Christianity  into  Poland  in  this  reign,  as 
we  shall  more  fully  mention  hereafter,  would  of 
course  invent  something  as  a  type  of  their  under- 
taking, and  make  miracles  prepare  the  way  for  the 
advent  of  Christianity. 

It  was  not  a  miracle,  however,  which  softened  the 
heart  of  Mieczylas  for  the  reception  of  religious 
faith,  nor  was  a  monk  his  preacher.  Love  was  his 
priest,  and  woman's  lips  first  schooled  him  in  the 
principles  of  the  Christian  religion.  He  was  en- 
amoured of  Dombrowka,  the  daughter  of  the  Duke 
of  Bohemia,  a  country  which  had  lately  embraced 
Christianity.  The  lady  refused  to  accept  his  suit 
unless  he  were  baptized ;  and  Mieczylas,  prompted  by 
the  impulse  of  affection  rather  than  faith,  sacrificed 
the  superstitions  and  prejudices  of  his  fathers  on  the 


20  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

altar  of  love  But  the  religion  which  he  first 
adopted  for  the  sake  of  Dombrowka  he  afterward 
propagated  for  its  own.  He  became  a  most  ardent 
champion  of  the  gospel ;  broke  down  even  with  his 
own  hands  the  idols  of  his  country,  and  built 
Christian  churches  on  the  ruins  of  pagan  temples. 
He  founded  the  archiepiscopal  sees  of  Gnesne  and 
Cracow,  and  appointed  St.  Adalbert,  who  had  been 
most  instrumental  in  the  introduction  of  Chris- 
tianity, to  be  the  first  diocesan  of  the  former  see.  In 
fine,  this  prince  almost  wholly  devoted  himself  to  the 
services  of  religion.  We  may  form  an  idea  of  the 
excessive  ardour  with  which  he  advocated  his  new 
faith  from  the  edict  which  he  issued,  that  when  any 
portion  of  the  gospel  was  read,  the  hearers  should 
half-draw  their  swords,  to  testify  their  readiness  to 
defend  its  truths.  Too  often,  alas!  have  those 
swords  been  drawn  in  the  cause  of  faith  or  religious 
dogmas,  and  sprinkled  even  the  mercy-seat  with 
human  blood. 

The  character  of  this  prince  has  been  studiously 
disparaged ;  but  the  only  reason  for  it  is,  that  it  has 
been  so  flatteringly  drawn  by  the  monks.  The  ap- 
proval of  these  religious  writers  is,  in  the  eyes  of 
most  modern  historians,  a  damning  blot;  but  in  a 
case  like  this,  when  we  have  no  proof  to  the  con- 
trary, we  must  "  lean  to  mercy's  side,"  and  may 
even  answer  the  detractors  in  Pope's  noble  words : — 

"  Who  builds  a  church  to  God,  and  not  to  Fame, 
Will  never  mark  the  marble  with  his  name." 

On  the  death  of  Mieczylas,  in  999,  the  ducal 
authority  devolved  on  his  son,  Boleslas.  Like  his 
father,  he  was  a  devotee  to  the  newly-adopted  faith, 
and  the  first  act  of  his  reign  was  one  of  piety.  He 
obtained  the  remains  of  St.  Adalbert  or  Albert,  who 
had  so  signalized  himself  in  propagating  Christianity, 
from  the  Prussians  who  had  murdered  him,  and 
deposited  them  with  great  pomp  at  Gnesne.  For 


BOLESLAS    THE    GREAT.  21 

this  act  of  gratitude  to  the  saint  who  first  brougnt 
him  "  the  glad  tidings  of  salvation"  he  received  his 
reward,  a  crown  of  glory,  though  a  corruptible  one ; 
for  Otho  III.,  emperor  of  Germany,  to  whom  St. 
Adalbert  was  known  by  the  fame  of  his  reported 
miracles,  made  a  pilgrimage  to  his  tomb  in  conse- 
quence of  a  vow,  and  in  return  for  the  hospitality 
he  experienced  from  Boleslas,  conferred  on  him  the 
regal  dignity.  This  decree  was  also  ratified  by  the 
pope. 

But  peace-making  was  not  an  ingredient  of  the 
king's  religion ;  he  became  one  of  the  most  active 
warriors  of  his  time.  The  monks,  however,  seemed 
inclined  to  be  witty  on  the  subject,  and  called  the 
sword*  with  which  he  fought  "  the  sword  of  God," 
in  allusion  to  a  tradition  that  it  was  an  angel's  pres- 
ent.! The  first  people  against  whom  he  unsheathed 
this  miraculous  weapon  were  the  Bohemians,  whose 
duke,  without  any  provocation,  had  invaded  his 
country  with  a  large  army,  committing  the  most 
wanton  and  barbarous  ravages.  The  invaders,  how- 
ever, immediately  fled  on  the  approach  of  the  Poles, 
who  in  their  turn  acted  on  the  offensive.  The  Polish 
troops  at  this  time  were  chiefly  cavalry,  at  least  all 
those  who  could  afford  to  keep  a  horse;  the  rest 
served  on  foot.  This  seems  to  have  been  almost 
the  only  real  distinction  among  the  people.J  The 
booty  was  their  only  pay,  and  their  weapons  the 
only  baggage  with  which  they  encumbered  them- 
selves. The  Bohemians  could  not  withstand  these 
warriors,  and  even  Prague,  their  capital,  was  obliged 

*  This  sword  he  is  said  by  some  to  have  received  from  Otho,  and 
after  being  notched  on  the  gates  of  Kiow,  it  was  deposited  in  the  trea- 
sury of  the  kingdom,  and  worn  by  the  kings  at  their  coronation. 

t  It  is  remarked  by  the  old  historians  that  Boleslas  sanctified  all  his 
bloodshed  with  a  semblance  of  religion ;  and  the  first  formal  edict  that 
appears  in  Polish  history  was  issued  in  this  reign,  being  an  order  that  a 
Christian  hymn  should  be  sung  before  engaging  in  battle. 

J  All  the  people  were  obliged  to  serve,  and  the  comes  of  the  district 
commanded  them.  These  commanders  were  judges  also,  and  were 
called  Kastellani  and  Castellans. 


22  HISTORY    OF   POLAND. 

to  surrender,  after  an  obstinate  resistance  of  two 
years.  The  duke  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  con- 
queror, who  sullied  his  glory  by  cruel,  although  pro- 
voked retribution ;  putting  out  his  enemy's  eyes,  to 
deprive  him  at  least  of  the  pleasure  which  scenes 
of  blood  had  always  seemed  to  afford  him.  Mo- 
ravia also  yielded  to  the  victor  on  his  first  approach. 
The  only  use  Boleslas  made  of  his  conquest  was 
to  levy  contributions,  and  demand  a  trifling  trib- 
ute, more  as  a  feodal  acknowledgment  than  an 
impost. 

His  attention  was  afterward  engaged  by  the  Rus- 
sians, who,  being  a  growing,  restless  people  at  that 
time,  and  strengthened  under  the  wise  jurisdiction 
of  the  famous  Wladimir,  were,  rather  troublesome 
and  encroaching  neighbours.  Another  pretext  was 
added  for  making  the  Russians  feel  the  weight  of 
the  Polish  arms.  On  the  death  of  Wladimir,  civil 
war  broke  out  in  Russia,  in  consequence  of  a  dis- 
puted succession ;  and  one  of  the  parties  requested 
the  aid  of  Boleslas.  The  Poles  marched  into  the 
country,  and  advanced  as  far  as  Kiow,*  the  most 
celebrated  and  opulent  city  in  that  part  of  Europe, 
called  by  the  writers  of  the  time  the  rival  of  Con- 
stantinople (aemula  sceptri  Constantinopolitani). 

The  golden  gate  of  Kiow  (as  it  was  emphatically 
called)  opened  before  the  miraculous  sword  of  Bo- 
leslas ;  and  the  Poles,  after  repaying  themselves  for 
their  campaign  with  the  riches  of  the  city,  established 
their  ally  on  the  throne,  demanding  in  addition  a 
petty  tribute.  War  was  renewed,  in  which  the  Poles 
were  uniformly  victorious.  The  greatest  opposition 
they  encountered  was  on  the  banks  of  the  Bug ;  but 
the  intrepidity  of  the  king  carried  all  before  it,  and 
the  Russians  were  routed  with  great  slaughter.  The 
river  was  so  stained  with  blood,  that  it  has  retained 
ever  since  the  name  of  horrid,  and  Boleslas  was 

*  The  history  of  this  city  may  be  seen  in  the  Tableau  de  la  Pologn* 
edited  by  Chodzko.  Vol  i.  p.  458. 


CASIMIR   I.— -REVOLT    OF    THE    SERFS.  23 

entitled  by  his  enemies  Chroly  the  Terrible,  or  Val- 
iant, by  which  appellation  he  is  generally  known  in 
history. 

He  is  said  next  to  have  turned  his  arms  against 
the  Saxons,  and  extended  his  conquests  to  the  Elbe, 
on  the  banks  of  which  he  erected  two  iron  columns, 
to  mark  the  bounds  of  his  victories.  The  inhabit- 
ants of  the  country  to  the  north  of  Poland,  called 
Borussians,  now  Prussians,  were  also  reduced  to 
obedience.  But  the  Poles  retained  none  of  these 
conquests ;  returning,  like  an  overflowed  river,  once 
more  within  their  natural  limits. 

Boleslas,  after  having  thus  governed  and  fought  so 
many  years,  was  laid  in  the  tomb  of  his  fathers  in 
1025,  leaving  the  crown  to  his  son ;  who,  not  choosing 
to  disobey  the  requiescat  in  pace  on  his  sire's  monu- 
ment, enjoyed  nine  years  of  peaceful  luxury,  quiet, 
and  debauchery,  interrupted  only  by  two  or  three 
revolts. 

Casimir  I.,  grandson  of  Boleslas,  being  young,  and 
the  Poles  fearing  that  he  would  follow  the  bad  ex- 
ample of  his  father,  was  not  allowed  to  enjoy  the 
uncontrolled  regal  authority ;  Rixa,  his  mother,  being 
nominated  regent.  She,  however,  disappointed  the 
expectations  of  her  subjects ;  imposing  enormous 
taxes,  and  advancing  Germans  to  the  most  important 
offices :  in  consequence  of  which  she  was  obliged  to 
fly  from  the  kingdom,  taking  the  precaution,  how- 
ever, to  carry  off  the  regal  treasure.  Her  son, 
Casimir,  was  also  obliged  to  fly  from  the  vengeance 
of  the  voyvodes. 

The  throne  being  thus  left  vacant,  a  general  scene 
of  saturnalia  ensued  in  Poland.  The  serfs,  imitating 
the  example  of  their  masters,  rose  in  a  body,  and 
retaliated  the  cruelties  which  they  had  so  long  suf- 
fered. The  reaction  was  equal  to  the  pressure,  and 
the  whole  system  of  servitude  was  at  an  end.  The 
Bible,  from  which  the  corrupt,  timeserving  priest 
took  his  text,  on  passive  obedience  to  the  most 


24  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

severe  and  tyrannical  master,  seemed  to  the  po< 
peasant  only  to  add  another  link  to  the  already  hea\ 
chain  of  bondage ;  the  church  of  God  appeared  b1 
another  prison-house ;  and  the  name  of  the  Mo 
High  that  of  a  strange  god,  who  had  come  amor 
them  as  a  destroyer.  Bibles,  churches,  monks,  ai 
masters  were  made  one  great  sacrifice  of  atoneme 
to  the  enraged  serfs,  on  the  idolatrous  altars  of  the 
fathers.  The  lex  talionis,  that  law  which  has  alwa; 
been  so  deeply  engraved  on  the  human  heart  by  tl 
finger  of  revenge,  was  the  only  code  of  these  infuria 
bodies.  Their  masters  had  taught  them  to  plunde 
tyrannize,  and  murder ;  and  their  last  lesson  was 
rebel. 

But  an  invasion  of  their  country  by  the  Bohemiar 
who  took  advantage  of  the  opportunity,  now  turn 
the  points  of  the  Polish  swords  from  each  othei 
bosoms.  These  marauders  laid  waste  all  the  we 
of  the  kingdom ;  and  the  Russians,  adding  to  t 
slaughter,  ravaged  the  east.  The  measure  of  t 
people's  calamities  seemed  now  full.  The  rebellio 
members  of  the  political  body  again  assumed  th( 
functions ;  the  serf  bowed  his  neck  to  the  yoke,  ai 
the  Poles  supplicated  the  ministers  of  that  ve 
religion  they  had  just  abjured,  for  aid ;  they  rebu 
the  churches,  which  were  almost  yet  smoking ;  se 
an  embassy  to  the  pope  for  absolution  and  a  cur 
upon  their  enemies;  and,  lastly,  invited  back  t 
prince,  Casimir,  whom  they  had  just  banished, 
resume  the  sceptre. 

Casimir,  however,  was  not  to  be  found ;  and  ; 
their  search  seemed  fruitless.  Messenger  after  me 
senger  returned  without  tidings,  and  hope  after  ho 
was  frustrated.  At  length  they  remembered  that  1 
mother,  Rixa,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  German 
would  most  probably  be  acquainted  with  the  retre 
of  her  son;  and  after  some  difficulty  they  succeed 
in  obtaining  from  her  the  wished-for  intelligenc 
Five  years  had  elapsed  since  his  flight,  whe 


CASIMIR   IS    RECALLED.  25 

letiring  to  France,  he  had  become  a  student  at  the 
university  of  Paris ;  he  then  went  to  Italy,  where  the 
wandering  outcast  king  entered  a  monastery,  '*  to 
beg  for  a  piece  of  bread,"  and  assumed  the  religious 
habit.  After  this,  he  retraced  his  steps  to  France, 
and  became  an  inmate  of  the  abbey  of  Cluny,*  in 
which  seclusion  he  was  hidden  while  the  Poles  were 
so  earnestly  seeking  him.  But  although  found,  an- 
other apparently  insurmountable  obstacle  stood  in  his 
road  to  the  throne  ;  his  religious  vow  prohibited  him 
from  engaging  in  secular  matters.  The  pope,  how- 
ever, had  the  power  to  grant  a  dispensation  of  this 
tie,  which  he  at  length  consented  to  do,  on  condition 
that  they  should  pay  Peter's  pence,  and  that  the 
whole  nation  should  shave  their  heads,  and  wear,  like 
other  Catholic  professors,  white;  surplices  on  the  days 
of  festival.  The  Poles  still  continue  to  wear  their 
heads  shaved,  except  a  small  portion  on  the  crown; 
though  it  proceeds,  we  believe,  from  a  very  different 
reason  to  that  assigned.! 

Casimir  soon  re-established  peace  in  Poland,  and 
ensured  himself  from  aggression  on  the  Russian 
frontier,  by  marrying  Mary,  the  sister  of  the  Russ 
duke.  Religion  also  shared  his  attention  with  polity ; 
and  in  gratitude  to  the  monks  of  Cluny,  who  had 
afforded  him  an  asylum  when  his  own  subjects  had 
turned  him  out  of  the  palace  of  his  fathers,  he  invited 
many  of  them  into  Poland,  and  fixed  them  in  the 
abbey  of  Tyniec,J  near  Cracow.  Casimir,  having 
thus  deserved  well  of  his  generation,  made  way  for 
his  son,  Boleslas,  after  a  reign  of  sixteen  years. 

The  crosier  was  now  laid  aside  for  the  sword. 

*  Later  Polish  writers  deny  that  Casimir  became  a  monk,  or  was 
even  at  Cluny ;  but  state  that  he  went  to  Liege  (Leodium)  to  finish  his 


Lelewers  Essai. 

t  This  had  been  founded  by  Boleslas  the  Great. 
C 


26  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

Boleslas  II.  was  ready  to  fight  everybody's  battles', 
to  stretch  out  a  hand  to  every  falling  sovereign,  everi 
at  his  own  peril.  His  court  became  the  asylum  of 
unfortunate  princes,  where  they  found  a  king  who 
was  both  ready  and  powerful  to  save.  The  son  of 
the  Duke  of  Bohemia,  the  brother  of  the  King  of 
Hungary,  and  the  eldest  son  of  the  Duke  of  Russia 
were  at  one  time  under  his  protection,  and  the  claim- 
ants of  his  assistance ;  nor  were  their  requests  dis- 
regarded. He  reinstated  them  all  on  their  thrones, 
and  even  fought  the  battles  of  the  Hungarian  and 
Russian  monarchs  twice  over.  His  benevolence  to 
the  latter  prince  eventually,  though  not  directly,  cost 
him  his  crown. 

>  Kiow  was  the  only  city  which  offered  any  great 
resistance  to  the  Polish  arms.  Its  opulent  citizens 
defended  themselves  with  a  valour  proportionate  to 
the  importance  of  their  charge.  Famine,  however, 
at  length  reduced  them  to  obedience ;  and  Boleslas, 
who  was  as  great  an  admirer  of  courage  as  a  pos- 
sessor of  it,  treated  the  vanquished  but  brave  Kio- 
vians  with  the  greatest  generosity.  So  fully,  too, 
did  the  citizens  appreciate  his  noble  spirit,  that  as 
he  marched  through  the  streets  with  his  troops  they 
greeted  him  with  acclamations ;  a  much  more  glo- 
rious triumph  than  if  thousands  and  tens  of  thou- 
sands of  shackled  kings  had  swollen  the  pageant  of 
ovation. 

But  Boleslas,  wheh  "the  Golden  Gate"  of  this 
city  of  voluptuousness  was  once  shut  on  him,  heard 
no  more  the  call  of  war :  wearied  with  his  labours, 
he  in  a  moment  of  weakness  and  lassitude  laid  his 
head  on  the  lap  of  a  Delilah,  and  woke  only  to  find 
that  his  strength  was  "  gone  from  him."  Kiow  was 
the  foster-child  of  Constantinople  and  the  Eastern 
empire.  The  voluptuous  Greeks  had  made  it  a 
storehouse  of  al  Ithe  luxuries  of  Asia ;  here  was  the 
noble  architecture  of  Athens  festooned  with  the 
gaudy  tapestry  of  Ly^ia,  and  the  rough  metal  of 


INFIDELITY   OF    THE    POLISH   WOMEN.  27 

Russian  swords  embossed  with  the  polished  gold  of 
Ophir  and  Persia.  The  hardy  natives  had  plunged 
into  the  stream  of  pleasure  with  all  the  zest  of  novelty 
and  were  tasting  of  its  enjoyments  with  the  unpalled 
and  greedy  appetite  of  healthy  and  vigorous  con- 
stitutions. £' 

This  was  the  state  of  Kiow  when  it  received  Bo- 
leslas  with  open  arms.  The  generous  Pole  quaffed 
the  bowl  of  pleasure  which  it  held  out  to  him  with 
the  freedom  of  unsuspecting  and  unguarded  frank- 
ness ;  and  found,  when  too  late,  its  intoxicating  quali- 
ties had  transformed  and  degraded  all  the  nobler 
energies  of  his  nature.  The  king's  example  was 
followed  Iby  his  troops,  and  this  army  of  warriors 
slept  away,  month  after  month,  on  the  soft  couches 
of  Kiow ;  and,  as  if  they  had  eaten  of  the  fabled 
fruit  of  the  lotos-tree,  at  length  forgot  that  their 
homes  were  without  masters,  their  wives  without 
husbands,  and  their  children  without  fathers. 

They  had  already  been  absent  from  Poland,  it  is 
affirmed,  seven  years,  engaged  in  these  various  wars 
and  pleasures ;  and  the  Polish  women,  who  found 
that  "  hope  deferred  maketh  the  heart  sick,"  naturally 
consoled  themselves  with  what  was  at  hand,  and 
lastly  bestowed  their  favours  on  their  slaves.  The 
example  was  generally  followed ;  one  Penelope  only 
was  found — Margaret,  the  wife  of  Count  Nicholas, 
of  Zemboisin.  She  continued  patiently  to  weave 
the  web  of  expectation  till  her  faithless  lord  should 
return  to  his  duty.  The  tidings  of  this  general  revolt 
among  the  women  spread  to  Kiow,  and  most  of  the 
enraged  Poles,  cursing  Boleslas  for  being  the  author 
of  their  disgrace  by  detaining  them  from  home,  and 
without  waiting  for  permission,  or  while  their  pas- 
sion might  cool,  hurried  to  Poland,  to  wreak  their 
vengeance  on  their  wives  and  their  insolent  para- 
mours. They  met,  however,  with  a  vigorous  resist- 
ance :  for  the  women,  maddened  by  despair,  spurred 
on  their  lovers  to  prove  themselves  worth)7"  of  their 


28  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

favours,  and  sell  their  lives  dearly ;  while  they  did 
not  confine  their  efforts  to  mere  exhortations,  but 
fought  in  person,  seeking  out  their  faithless  hus- 
bands, on  whom  to  vent  their  rage.  But  in  the  heat 
of  this  motley  battle  another  enemy  appeared.  Bo- 
leslas,  at  the  head  of  the  few  remaining  troops^  was 
come  to  chastise  them  all ;  the  women  for  their  infi- 
delity, the  slaves  for  their  presumption,  and  the  Poles 
for  their  desertion  and  contempt  of  martial  discipline. 
Poland  was  deluged  with  blood,  and  deprived  of 
some  of  its  best  sons.  Many  of  the  women  perished, 
and  the  rest  are  said  to  have  been  obliged  by  the  king 
to  suckle  dogs,  as  a  punishment  for  the  degrading 
connexion  they  had  formed  with  their  slaves. 

But  the  last  scene  of  the  tragedy  was  yet  to  come. 
St.  Stanislas,  bishop  of  Cracow,  either  being  shocked 
at  the  unchristian  slaughter,  or  making  it  a  pretext 
for  other  designs,  reproved  Boleslas,  threatened  him 
with  the  vengeance  of  the  church,  unless  he  ceased 
from  his  bloody  work,  and  even  went  so  far  as  to 
refuse  him  admittance  to  his  church,  still  called  St. 
Stanislas- Kir  che,  while  he  was  performing  mass. 
The  hasty  and  provoked  king,  in  a  moment  of  rage, 
burst  into  the  sanctuary,  and  murdered  the  poor  pre- 
late at  the  very  altar.* 

The  thunders  of  the  pope  now  roared  over  the 
devoted  head  of  Boleslas ;  he  was  accursed,  excom- 
municated, dethroned,  and  banished.  He  who  had 
given  away  kingdoms  found  none  to  bestow  on  him 
the  poorest  pittance,  and  those  who  had  grown  rich 
on  his  bounty  refused  him  the  meager  alms  of  a  tear. 
Abandoned  by  men,  and  denounced  as  one  abhorred 
by  God,  he  crept  away  into  the  forests,  whose  savage 
tenants  were  the  only  living  creatures  which  were 
left  to  afford  him  an  asylum,  and  make  him  an  in- 
mate of  their  caverns.  At  length  the  poor  penitent, 
broken-hearted,  went  to  pour  out  the  last  bitter  dregs 

*  St.  Stanislas  was  buried  in  the  cathedral  of  Cracow,  and  there  w 
•till  standing  there  his  superb  monument. 


WLADISLAS.  29 

of  the  cup  of  life  in  a  monastery  in  Carinthia ;  and 
he  who  had  wielded  a  sceptre,  and  revelled  in  all  the 
luxuries  of  Kiow,  spent  the  last  few  days  of  his  life 
in  preparing  lentils  and  hard  bread  for  the  monks,  in 
a  miserable  kitchen. 

The  life  of  Boleslas  forms  one  of  the  saddest  and 
most  striking  pictures  afforded  by  the  worst  vicissi- 
tudes of  human  life.  From  the  almoner  of  kings  to 
the  pensioner  of  mendicants;  from  the  leader  of 
armies  to  the  menial  of  a  monastery ;  from  the  royal 
voluptuary  to  the  starving  beggar ;  from  the  palace 
to  the  kitchen;  how  stupendous  was  his  fall!  and 
how  stupendous  the  power  which  hurled  him  from 
the  throne !  Nor  was  his  moral  fall  less  great.  He 
had  set  out  in  life  with  a  heart  full  of  generous  feel- 
ing ;  he  had  a  noble  spirit ;  but  the  bland  and  seducing 
smile  of  the  votary  of  gayety  lured  him  to  its  orgies, 
and  corrupted  the  pure  warm  blood  of  a  hero's  heart. 
Self-dissatisfaction,  added  to  the  violence  of  his  pas- 
sions, then  accelerated  his  downfall ;  and  the  hand 
which  was  once  stretched  forth  only  to  help  the 
weak  and  assist  the  poor,  was  now  stained  with  the 
blood  of  a  minister  of  that  faith  to  which  his  great 
namesake  and  predecessor  had  devoted  all  the  ener- 
gies of  his  vigorous  mind.  Had  the  first  and  last 
parts  of  this  king's  life  been  transposed,  his  charac- 
ter would  now  perhaps  be  viewed  in  a  very  different 
light.  We  must  not,  however,  moralize  longer  on  the 
inmate  of  the  Carinthian  monastery,  but  return  to 
Poland,  and  its  destiny  under  succeeding  princes, — 
a  dynasty  that  had  already  begun  to  feel  the  dreadful 
effects  of  giving  offence  to  that  spiritual  authority 
that  was  preparing  to  rule  the  world. 

The  vengeance  of  the  pope  extended  to  the  sons 
of  Boleslas ;  and  visiting  the  sins  of  the  father  on  his 
children,  he  excluded  them  from  the  succession.  He 
however  allowed  his  brother,  Wladislas,  to  assume 
the  supreme  authority,  but  shorn  of  the  pomp  of  the 
C2 


30  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

regal  title ;  and  it  continued  in  his  family  for  a  long 
time.* 

On  the  death  of  Wladislas,  his  son,  Boleslas  III., 
succeeded  to  the  throne  in  1103.  The  fond  but  im- 
prudent father  had  made  a  division  of  the  Poljsh 
territory  between  his  children;  but  the  collisions 
which  naturally  ensued  furnished  Boleslas  with  an 
opportunity  of  uniting  the  whole  of  his  brothers' 
patrimonies  with  his  own.  No  sooner  had  he  thus 
consolidated  the  strength  of  Poland  than  he  found 
an  occasion  to  exert  it.  The  King  of  Hungary  was 
now  involved  in  a  war  with  Henry  V.,  emperor  of 
Germany ;  and  having  been  instrumental  in  estab- 
lishing Boleslas  on  his  throne,  the  Polish  duke  was 
bound  to  assist  him.  He  therefore  made  a  diversion 
of  the  emperor's  troops  on  the  side  of  Bohemia, 
under  the  pretext  of  maintaining  the  right  of  one  of 
the  contending  candidates  for  the  Bohemian  crown, 
who  had  taken  refuge  with  him.  Henry  was  com- 
pelled to  desist  from  the  expedition  against  Hungary, 
to  meet  this  new  enemy.  The  German  troops  over- 
ran Silesia,  which  was  then  dependent  on  the  Polish 
government,  and  penetrated  as  far  as  Glogau,  a  small 
town  on  the  Oder.  This  place  was  at  that  time  but 
feebly  garrisoned;  notwithstanding,  the  citizens  gave 
the  emperor  a  warm  reception.  They  were  at  length 
obliged  to  make  overtures,  and  agreed  to  surrender 
in  six  days,  unless  they  received  succour. 

No  aid  having  arrived,  the  emperor  advanced  to 
take  possession  of  the  town,  but  was  unexpectedly 
saluted  with  a  discharge  of  arrows  and  javelins. 
The  citizens  had  received  notice  from  Boleslas,  that 
he  could  not  arrive  within  the  six  days,  but  would 
not  be  long  after;  so  that,  availing  themselves  of 
the  laxity  with  which  treaties  were  kept  in  that  age 

*  The  regal  dignity  was  not  reassumed  till  more  than  two  hundred 
years  after,  in  the  reign  of  Premislas  II.  Wladislas  appointed  one  of  his 
favourites  palatine,  or  commander-in-chief,  which  was  the  origin  of  the 
authority  of  the  palatines. 


ANECDOTE    OF  A  POLISH    ENVOY.  31 

of  savage  warfare,  they  sacrificed  their  word  to  their 
liberty,  and  still  held  out.  So  obstinate  was  their 
resistance,  that  the  Germans  were  obliged  to  retire, 
and  besieged  Breslau,  the  capital  of  Silesia,  on  the 
Oder,  and  sixty-seven  miles  to  the  south-east  of  Glo- 
gau.  The  German  historians*  say,  that  a  battle  en- 
sued here  between  Henry  and  Boleslas,  in  which  the 
latter  had  so  much  the  worst,  that  he  sent  an  ambas- 
sador to  the  emperor,  with  overtures  of  peace,  f  The 
name  of  this  ambassador  was  Scrobius.  Henry  is 
said  to  have  received  him  very  haughtily,  and  given 
him  to  understand  that  the  Poles  must  not  expect 
any  peace  from  him,  unless  they  submitted  to  his 
conditions,  and  became  tributary.  At  the  same  time, 
runs  the  story,  he  led  him  to  his  treasury,  to  exhibit 
his  wealth ;  and,  pointing  to  the  gold,  told  him  there 
were  the  weapons  with  which  he  would  reduce  the 
Poles  to  subjection.  To  this  the  ambassador  made 
no  answer,  but  taking  a  ring  from  his  finger,  threw  it 
into  the  heap,  saying,  with  a  smile,  "  Here  is  some- 
thing to  augment  the  store."  Henry  is  said  to  have 
answered  with  equal  coolness,  shutting  the  coffer, 
Habdank ;  I  thank  you  !  Happy,  remarks  a  modern 
historian,^  would  this  state  have  been,  if,  surrounded 
by  neighbours  who  think  as  this  emperor,  it  had  pre- 
served in  our  days  that  noble  disinterestedness  and 
contempt  for  gold,  which  would  have  ensured  it  its 
independence.  A  battle  ensued,  in  which  the  Ger- 
mans were  completely  routed ;  and  the  emperor  then 
gladly  accepted  the  offer  of  peace,  which  was  after- 
ward strongly  cemented  by  the  marriage  of  Boleslas 
with  Henry's  sister. 

It  is  paid  that  the  duke  employed  this  season  of 
repose  in  preparing  to  join  the  crusaders,  who  were 


*  Heiss.  lib.  ii.  c.  10;  and  Gobelinus  Persona  Cosmad.  aet.  6. 
t  This,  however,  is  differently  stated  by  some  authors.  The  Universal 
History  makes  the  Germans  perform  a  march  from  Glogau  to  Warsaw 
distance  of  more  than  200  miles,  in  one  day. 
t  Rulhi&re,  Histoire  de  1'Anarclue  de  Pologne,  torn.  i. 


32  HISTORY    OF   POLAND. 

at  this  time  fighting  for  the  rescue  of  Jerusalem. 
History,  however,  does  not  tell  us  what  use  he  made 
of  these  preparations. 

Boleslas,  after  having  been  conqueror  in  forty 
battles,*  was  now  to  meet  with  a  reverse.  It  was 
treachery,  however,  which  turned  the  scale  of  glory 
against  him.  He  had  intrusted  a  Hungarian,  whose 
tale  of  sorrow  had  won  on  his  heart,  with  the  govern- 
ment of  one  of  the  frontier  towns,  which  the  ingrate 
betrayed  to  the  Russians.  The  duke,  marching  with 
an  army  to  resent  the  injury,  encountered  the  enemy, 
and  was  again  betrayed  by  the  cowardice  of  one  of 
his  generals,  the  palatine  of  Cracow,  and  obliged  to 
take  to  flight.  He  is  said  to  have  sent  the  pusillani- 
mous author  of  his  disgrace  a  hare-skin  and  a  spin- 
ning-wheel. But  his  spirit  was  so  broken  by  the 
defeat,  that  it  brought,  him  to  the  grave.  All  the 
glory  of  six-and-thirty  years'  victory  was  tarnished 
by  this  one  miscarriage ; — one  single  day  had  blighted 
the  laurels  which  he  had  so  long  worn,  and  which 
his  enemies  had  seen  green  and  unfaded,  till  a  traitor 
snatched  them  from  his  brows.  A.  D.  1139. 

It  was  in  this  duke's  reign  that  the  pospolite,  or 
militia  of  Poland,  was  first  established.  Every  pala- 
tinate (of  which  Poland  Proper  contained  eleven) 
was  obliged  to  raise  a  certain  number  of  cavalry 
within  a  stated  time,  to  be  at  the  king's  orders. 

Boleslas  divided  the  dukedom  between  his  four 
eldest  sons ;  but  this  regulation  pleased  neither  them 
nor  their  subjects.  "  All,  or  none,"  was  their  motto ; 
and  after  great  contentions  and  various  turns  of  for- 
tune, Boleslas,  the  second  son  of  the  late  monarch, 
obtained  the  mastery,  and  was  declared  duke  of 
Poland,  A.  D.  1146.  He  however  allowed  the  chil- 
dren of  his  elder  brother,  Wladislas,  to  retain  Silesia, 
a  portion  of  his  patrimony,  which  continued  in  his 

*  Puffendorf,  after  some  of  the  old  historians,  says  but  twenty-seven, 
but  be  enumerates  only  the  "  batailles  rangtet." 


ATTEMPT   TO    CONVERT   PRUSSIA.  33 

family  a  distinct  government,  but  a  fief  of  Po- 
land,* 

Wladislas,  however,  not  content  with  being  an 
almoner  of  a  younger  brother's  bounty,  engaged  the 
emperors  of  Germany,  Conrade  and  Frederic  Bar- 
barossa,  successively  to  assist  him  in  the  recovery 
of  the  Polish  crown.  The  Polish  historians  agree 
in  stating  that  the  emperors  both  failed,  and  were 
reduced  to  the  necessity  of  negotiation.!  The  con- 
test was,  however,  shortly  concluded  by  the  death 
of  Wladislas,  which  happened  as  he  was  on  his  road 
to  Poland  to  try  the  chance  of  fortune  once  more. 

Boleslas,  being  peaceably  seated  on  his  throne, 
found  the  time  hang  heavy  on  his  hands.  Religious 
wars  were  the  prevailing  fashion  of  the  day,  and 
furnished  employment  for  the  idle  and  the  fanatic. 
Saint  Peter's  descendants,  like  their  great  apostolic 
ancestor,  have  always  been  but  too  ready  to  draw ' 
the  sword  in  the  name  of  Christ.  The  Polish  duke 
enlisted  in  the  same  cause,  and  pretending  to  be 
grieved  at  the  idolatry  of  his  northern  neighbours, 
the  Prussians,  advanced  into  their  territory  with  the 
gospel  in  one  hand  and  the  sword  in  the  other. 
These  people  were  then  a  barbarous  race,  inhabiting 
the  greater  portion  of  what  is  now  called  Regal  or 
Polish  Prussia,  extending  northward  from  Poland  to 
the  Baltic.  They  were  sunk  in  the  grossest  idolatry 
and  ignorance; — their  objects  of  worship  were  among 
the  most  loathsome  creatures  in  nature — snakes  and 
reptiles.  Besides  these,  however,  like  all  other  un- 
informed nations,  they  regarded  thunder,  lightning, 
and  other  natural  phenomena,  with  superstitious  and 
fearful  veneration. 

These  were  to  become  the  Polish  duke's  converts ; 
and  accordingly  advancing  into  Prussia,  he  compelled 

*  Tt  continued  some  time  under  the  government  of  the  descendants 
of  Wladislas,  and  ultimately  became  subject  to  the  crown  of  Bohemia 
about  1339.  At  length  it  was  invaded  by  the  Prussians. 

t  The  German  historian  says,  that  Frederic  reduced  Boleslas  to  obe- 
dience, and  obliged  him  to  pay  tribute. 


34  HISTORY   OF   POLAND. 

them  to  submit  to  his  arms  and  to  hear  the  Christian 
doctrines  preached.  No  resistance  could  be  made  by 
undisciplined  savages  ;  they  were  all  driven  into  the 
Christian  fold.  "  Die  in  your  sins,"  said  the  savage 
monk  to  the  stubborn  recusant,  and  suited  the  action 
to  the  word ;  whereas  "  a  promise  of  the  life  which 
now  is  and  that  which  is  to  come"  was  the  reward 
of  the  humble  disciple.  But  "  the  bread  of  life"  was 
not  to  be  given  gratis,  and  Boleslas  made  them  pay 
dearly  for  it  out  of  their  scanty  stores.  It  is  said, 
however,,  by  some  historians,  that  the  conversion  of 
the  whole  nation  was  effected  without  any  bloodshed. 
Perhaps  they  would  with  equal  facility  have  enabled 
us  to  account  for  the  speedy  decay  of  the  early  Chris- 
tian church  of  Prussia,  by  reason  of  its  not  having 
been  cemented  by  the  blood  of  martyrs.  Be  that  as 
it  may,  the  Prussian  soon  relapsed  into  idolatry,  and 
unfortunately  sent  their  Polish  apostles  prematurely 
to  receive  the  crown  of  martyrdom,  as  some  small 
acknowledgment  for  their  late  kindness.  Decoying 
the  Poles  into  a  defile,  they  attacked  them  with  great 
slaughter ;  and  Boleslas  himself  narrowly  escaped. 

The  Polish  duke,  finding  the  occupation  of  conver- 
sion not  so  agreeable  as  he  had  anticipated,  turned 
his  attention  to  the  management  of  his  secular  affairs, 
in  which  course  he  persevered  till  the  period  of  his 
death,  in  1173. 

In  the  early  part  of  this  reign,  the  spirit  of  Euro- 
pean chivalry  directed  towards  the  crusades  had 
spread  through  Europe,  and  extended  even  to  Poland. 
It  was  in  1147,  that,  induced  by  St.  Bernard,  Con- 
rade,  the  emperor  of  Germany,  in  company  with  his 
nephew  and  successor,  Frederic  Barbarossa,  led  sixty 
thousand  men  against  the  Saracens  for  the  recovery 
of  the  holy  sepulchre.  Henry,  a  younger  brother 
of  Boleslas,  caught  the  infection,  and  at  the  head  of 
a  numerous  army  of  Polish  volunteers  embarked  in 
the  same  cause.  One  campaign,  however,  cooled 
his  religious  ardour,  and  he  returned  back  to  Poland, 


CASIMIR    THE    JUST — ANECDOTE.  35 

But  this  short  service  did  not  lose  its  reward ;  for  he 
is  handed  down  by  the  monkish  writers  as  one  of 
the  greatest  champions  of  the  Holy  Cross. 

Four  years  after  the  death  of  Boleslas  IV.,  during 
which  interval  Mieczylas,  his  third  brother,  held  the 
ducal  dignity,  Casimir  II.  was  called  to  the  throne  by 
the  discontented  Poles  ;  an  event  which  occurred  in 
1178.  He  was  the  youngest  brother  qf  TBoleslas  IV. 
It  was  not  ambition  that  induced  him  to  take  posses- 
sion of  the  throne  from  which  Mieczylas  was  ejected ; 
for,  on  the  contrary,  he  even  requested  to  be  allowed 
to  resign  it  to  him,  pledging  himself  to  the  voy- 
vodes  for  his  better  conduct.  This  offer  was,  how- 
ever, refused,  the  Poles  not  being  willing  to  trust 
themselves  to  their  former  tyrant ;  and  the  only  fruit 
of  the  negotiation  was  the  proof  of  Casimir's  mild 
and  generous  disposition. 

He  was  engaged  in  various  wars  with  the  Rus- 
sians, though  not  of  sufficient  consequence  to  Poland 
to  merit  detail ;  in  all  which,  however,  he  rendered 
himself  conspicuous  for  clemency  and  benevolence, 
"  smoothing  the  rugged  brow"  of  war,  and  binding 
up  the  wounds  which  his  sword  had  made. 

The  following  anecdote  is  given  as  an  admirable 
illustration  of  the  mildness  and  benevolence  of  this 
amiable  prince.  "  He  was  one  day  at  play,  and  won 
all  the  money  of  one  of  his  nobility,  who,  incensed  at 
his  ill  fortune,  suddenly  struck  the  prince  a  blow  on 
the  ear,  in  the  heat  of  his  uncontrolled  passion.  He 
fledimmediately  from  justice ;  but  being  pursued  and 
overtaken,  was  condemned  to  lose  his  head.  The 
generous  Casimir  determined  otherwise.  '  I  am  not 
surprised,'  said  he,  *  at  the  gentleman's  conduct ;  for 
not  having  it  in  his  power  to  revenge  himself  on  for- 
tune, no  wonder  he  should  attack  her  favourite  in 
me.'  After  these  generous  words  he  revoked  the 
sentence,  returned  the  nobleman  his  money,  and  de- 
clared that  he  alone  was  faulty,  as  he  encouraged  by  / 
his  example  a  pernicious  practice  that  might  termi- 
nate in  the  ruin  of  hundreds  of  the  people." 


36  HISTORY  OF    POLAND. 

This  prince  was  indeed  a  father  to  his  subjects  t  he 
viewed  the  oppression  of  the  nobles  over  the  serfs 
with  an  eye  of  sorrow ;  and  though  it  was  not  in  his 
power  to  change  the  constitution  of  Polish  society  by 
emancipating  them  and  making  them  perfectly,  inde- 
pendent, what  he  could  do  he  did,  in  protecting  them 
by  strict  laws  from  wanton  cruelty.  He  has  left  be- 
hind him  the  character  of  the  most  amiable  monarch 
that  ever  swayed  the  Polish  sceptre.  He  had  faults^ 
but  they  were  almost  lost  in  the  number  of  his  noble 
qualities  and  his  virtues.  He  was  a  lover  of  peace, 
and  the  friend  of  the  people. 

His  manners  were  of  the  most  conciliating  kind, 

"  And  e'en  his  failings  lean'd  to  virtue's  side." 

His  clemency  was  not  the  result  of  fear,  nor  his 
bounty  the  ostentation  of  pride.  Like  Aristides,  he 
never  swerved  from  duty  and  equity;  and,  unlike 
him,  he  tempered  right  with  mercy.  He  has  there- 
fore even  one  claim  more  than  the  Athenian  to  that 
rare  and  enviable  appellation  which  his  subjects  be- 
stowed on  him— the  Just. 

After  several  succeeding  reigns,  in  which  nothing 
occurred  worthy  to  be  remembered,  we  find  Wladis- 
las*  III.  on  the  throne  in  1306.  He  had  been  deposed, 
but  after  five  years  he  was-reinstated  in  his  authority. 
The  regal  title  had  been  revived  by  one  of  the  pre- 
ceding princes  in  the  year  1296,  but  the  Poles  were 
determined  not  to  bestow  it  on  Wladislas  until  he  had 
rendered  himself  deserving  of  it  by  reforming  his 
mind  and  character  as  a  prince. 

The  first  opportunity  he  had  of  meriting  well  of  his 
country  was  in  its  defence  against  new  enemies 
and  invaders,  no  less  than  the  Teutonic  knights. 
This  military  order  had  obtained  a  settlement  in 
Prussia,  and  were  continually  infesting  the  northern 
frontier.  The  Germans  who  accompanied  Frederic 

*  Surnamed  Lokieteck,  on  account  of  his  diminutive  stature,  meaning 
bufan  ell  in  height. 


TEUTONIC    KNIGHTS DEFEATED.  37 

Barbarossa,  Emperor  of  Germany,  to  the  crusades  in 
1 188,  being-  left  by  his  death  without  a  commander, 
were  at  length  formed  by  Henry,  King  of  Jerusalem, 
into  a  religious  and  martial  order,  called  the  Knights 
of  St.  George.  This  title  was  afterward  changed  to 
Knights  of  St.  Mary.  They  were  required  to  be  of 
noble  parentage,  to  defend  the  Christian  religion,  and 
promulgate  it  to  the  utmost  extent  of  their  power. 
In  the  year  1191,  Pope  Celestine  III.  granted  them  a 
bull,  addressed  to  them  under  the  title  of  the  Teutonic 
Knights  of  the  Hospital  of  St.  Mary  the  Virgin.  In 
the  beginning  of  the  13th  century,  Culm,  in  Prussia, 
was  allotted  to  them,  under  the  condition  that  they 
should  turn  their  arms  only  against  their  pagan  neigh- 
bours. This  injunction,  however,  was  soon  set  at 
naught.  After  conquering  all  Polish  Prussia  (as  it 
is  now  called)  and  building  Marienburg,  they  invaded 
the  Polish  territory,  and  overran  the  greater  part  of 
Pomerania. 

Wladislas,  when  they  had  been  denounced  by  the 
pope  as  out  of  the  pale  and  protection  of  the  church, 
soon  checked  their  inroads.  After  several  battles,  in 
which  the  Poles  were  always  superior,  a  great  and 
last  effort  was  made,  but  still  fortune  declared  against 
the  Teutonic  knights ;  for,  according  to  the  Polish 
historians,  4000  of  them  were  left  dead  on  the  field, 
besides  30,000  auxiliaries  either  slain  or  taken  cap- 
tive. Wladislas  had  it  now  in  his  power  to  exter- 
minate the  order ;  but,  at  the  sacrifice  of  policy,  he 
contented  himself  with  taking  possession  of  his  own 
territory,  and  binding  them  down  by  a  treaty. 

Having  thus  fought  the  battles  of  his  country,  he 
returned  to  obtain  the  crown  which  his  subjects  could 
no  longer  refuse.  However,  to  give  the  ceremony 
the  sanction  of  religion,  Wladislas  sent  an  ambas- 
sador to  Rome  to  persuade  the  pope,  more,  perhaps, 
by  a  liberal  sum  of  money  than  words,  to  ratify  it 
with  his  authority.  This  confirmation  being  obtained, 
the  ceremony  of  coronation  was  performed  with  great 
D 


38  HISTORY    Or    POLAND. 

pomp  in  the  cathedral  at  Cracow.*  Death,  however, 
shortly  transferred  the  diadem  from  his  head  to  that 
of  his  son  Casimir,  in  the  year  1333,  to  whom  he 
gave  these  instructions  on  his  death-bed : — "  If  you 
have  any  regard  for  your  honour  or  your  reputation, 
take  care  to  yield  nothing  to  the  knights  of  the  Teu- 
tonic order  and  the  Marquis  of  Brandeburg.  Resolve 
to  bury  yourself  under  the  ruins  of  your  throne 
rather  than  abandon  to  them  the  portion  of  your 
heritage  which  they  possess,  and  for  which  you  are 
responsible  to  your  people  and  your  children.  Do 
not  leave  your  successors  such  an  example  of  cow- 
ardice, which  would  be  sufficient  to  tarnish  all  your 
virtues  and  the  splendour  of  the  finest  reign.  Punish 
the  traitors,  and,  happier  than  your  father,  drive  them 
from  a  kingdom  where  pity  opened  an  asylum  for 
them ;  for  they  are  stained  with  the  blackest  ingrati- 
tude." These  prophetic  words,  observes  a  modern 
historian,  may  serve  as  an  answer  to  the  manifestoes 
published  by  Prussia  concerning  the  partitions ;  and 
on  this  account  they  deserve  to  be  recorded. 

The  first  remarkable  event  of  the  new  reign  was 
a  rupture  with  the  Teutonic  knights ;  but  this  being 
settled  amicably,  Casimir  planned  an  invasion  of 
Russia.  This  design  was  so  vigorously  executed, 
that  the  greater  portion  of  the  modern  Polish  prov- 
ince, Russia  Nigra,  was  then  brought  under  the 
power  of  Poland. 

But  Casimir  founded  his  claim  to  the  gratitude  of 
his  subjects  on  a  much  sounder  foundation  than 
foreign  conquest;  he  portioned  out  the  domain  of 
individual  right  with  a  measure  more  fixed  than  the 
false  and  arbitrary  rule  of  strength  and  power,  and 
jnarked  out  its  limits  with  the  obvious  landmarks  of 
written  law.  Before  his  time,  there  was  no  code  of 
statutes :  precedent,  opinion,  and  passion  were  the 

*  The  form  of  the  ceremony  continued  the  same  from  this  time.  The 
Archbishop  of  Gnesne  placed  the  crown  on  his  head.  A  while  eagUv 
which  was  the  ornament  of  his  throne,  became  the  national  arms. 


CASIMIR    REFORMS    THE    LAWS.  39 

overbearing1  assessors  on  the  tribunal  of  justice. 
The  noble  of  a  district  was  the  supreme  judge  over 
his  demesne;  and  though  from  his  court  there  lay  an 
appeal  to  the  king,  it  was  only  a  mere  show  of 
redress.  The  injured  dependant  knew  too  well,  that 
should  he  make  his  complaint  heard  by  the  deaf  ear 
of  royalty,  his  sovereign,  even  if  he  defended  the 
right,  would  not  thank  him  for  being  embroiled  with 
one  of  his  powerful  nobles ;  and  the  cruelty  of  his 
lord  would  only  be  aggravated  by  opposition.  The 
arbitration  of  civil  cases  was  equally  irregular,  and 
even  more  absurd.  A  written  oath  was  administered 
to  one  of  the  parties,  and  was  made  the  criterion  of 
the  case.  If  the  reader  made  the  least  hesitation  or 
mistake,  he  lost  his  cause.  On  the  contrary,  he  who 
had  sufficient  hardihood  to  go  unhesitatingly  and 
unblushingly  through  the  process  of  perjury  obtained 
for  his  villany  the  credit  of  right  and  justice.  The 
form  was,  however,  as  reasonable  as  any  other  mode 
of  ordeal,  and,  in  fact,  still  more  so,  for  it  was  not 
made  to  depend  entirely  on  chance ;  nor  was  it  so 
absurd  as  trial  by  single  combat.  Guilt  is  sooner 
confused  and  unnerved  by  the  eye  of  scrutiny  than 
by  the  drawn  sword ;  and  the  "  mens  conscia  recti" 
arms  itself  more  frequently  with  the  defensive  armour 
of  the  uncowed  eye,  and  the  firm  composed  voice, 
than  with  muscular  strength  and  agility. 

Casimir,  however,  determined  to  make  reason 
depose  chance  and  passion  from  the  judgment-seat, 
and  that  justice  should  be  fairly  meted  out  by  the 
standard  weights  of  the  law-book. 

The  three  modes  of  trial  by  ordeal  were  also 
known  in  Poland.  We  have  stated  above  that  there 
was  no  regular  code ;  there  was  indeed  a  confused 
mass  of  laws,  but  Casimir,  the  Polish  Justinian,  was 
the  first  who  caused  them  to  be  reduced  to  a  con- 
sistent form.  His  predecessor  had  convoked  an 
assembly  of  the  bishops  and  barons  at  Chenciny,  in 
the  same  year  that  he  died,  to  revise  the  laws ;  but 


40  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

the  work  remained  unfinished :  and  ten  years  after, 
Casimir  called  a  diet  at  Wisliga,  previously  to  which, 
separate  meetings  had  been  held  in  Great  and  Little 
Poland,  to  draw  up  sketches  of  the  desired  reform ; 
and  on  this  basis  they  proceeded  to  found  the  famous 
code  of  Wisli§a.  Pecuniary  compositions  for  crime 
still  continued  to  be  countenanced,  and  the  cmttons, 
or  serfs,  were  not  so  favoured  as  the  nobles.  The 
lot  of  the  lower  orders,  however,  was  much  amelio- 
rated ;  if  oppressed,  they  were  allowed  to  sell  their 
goods,  and  change  masters.  For  these  laws  the 
sovereign  obtained  the  flattering  title  of  king  of  the 
serfs.  He  appointed  regular  courts  in  each  palati- 
nate, with  fixed  fees  for  the  judges.  Nor  did  he 
content  himself  with  making  statutes  for  his  people, 
but  guarded  the  welfare  of  all  ranks  with  the  most 
jealous  care,  and  was  amply  rewarded  by  their  love 
and  respect. 

Envy  could  not  behold  such  excellence  without 
attempting  to  sully  it;  and  accordingly,  she  has 
employed  against  it  the  ostracism  of  scandal.  But 
the  worst  charges  which  she  could  bring  against  the 
character  of  Casimir  are  for  errors  of  gayety ;  the 
evil  effects  of  which  are  for  the  most  part  confined 
to  the  offender,  and  which,  consequently,  though 
most  will  regret,  many  Will  defend,  and  few  will 
altogether  condemn.  Besides,  offences  of  this  kind, 
not  being  committed  on  "  house-tops,"  can  seldom 
be  fully  brought  home  to  the  delinquent,  and  even 
the  confession  of  candour  will  be  received  but  as  a 
plea  of  guilty  to  a  trifling  count  in  scandal's  lengthy 
indictment,  to  evade  conviction  on  others  of  more 
importance  and  enormity.  But  virtue  will  not  dis- 
own one  of  her  favourite  sons  for  a  venial  error ; 
the  benevolence,  justice,  and  prudence  of  Casimir 
would  cover  a  hundred  times  more  sins;  and  the 
small  voice  of  detraction  is  drowned  in  the  unani- 
mous acclamations  of  his  people,  who,  having  best 
experienced  his  character  and  felt  his  goodness, 
concur  in  styling  him  the  "  Great" 


LOUIS.  41 

On  the  death  of  Casimir,  which  occurred  iu  1370, 
there  being  no  immediate  heirs,  his  sister's  son, 
Louis,  King  of  Hungary,  was  called  to  the  Polish 
throne. 

As  Louis  was  the  sovereign  of  another  kingdom, 
the  Polish  nobles,  apprehending  that  their  interests 
would  be  compromised  to  those  of  his  other  sub- 
jects, made  him  agree  to  certain  stipulations  as  a 
safeguard,  before  they  would  allow  him  to  take  pos- 
session of  the  insignia  of  authority.  There  had 
always  been  some  form  of  this  kind  on  the  accession 
of  the  preceding  kings,  but  it  was  merely  a  formal 
coronation  oath,  binding  the  new  monarch  to  pre- 
serve the  interests  of  his  people.  In  the  present 
case,  it  became  something  more  than  a  mere  matter 
of  form,  being  made  in  fact  a  "  corner-stone"  of  the 
Polish  constitution.  This  bond  between  the  king 
and  his  subjects  was  called  the  Pacta  Conventa ;  and 
has  continued  to  be  administered  to  the  monarchs 
on  oath  ever  since,*  and  is  the  Magna  Charta  of 
Poland.  The  conditions  required  of  Louis  were  as 
follows : — He  was  obliged  to  resign  all  right  to  most 
of  the  extensive  domains  annexed  before  to  the 
crown,  and  make  them  the  benefices  of  his  officers 
or  starostas;  whom  he  could  not  remove  without 
consulting  the  senate  or  assembly  of  nobles.  He 
was  not  to  exact  any  personal  service,  to  impose  any 
taxes,  or  wage  war  without  their  consent.  Nor  was 
he  to  interfere  with  the  authority  of  the  lords  over 
their  serfs.  The  power  of  the  king  was  thus  limited 
to  little  more  than  that  of  a  guardian  of  the  laws. 

Louis  agreed  to  these  demands,  but  his  conduct 
afterward  proved  that  it  was  not  with  an  intention 
of  observing  them.  He  fixed  his  residence  entirely 
in  Hungary,  and,  regardless  of  the  complaints  of  the 
Poles,  rilled  all  the  principal  offices  with  Hungarians. 
Great  disturbances  ensued,  and  the  neighbours  of 

*  Subject  to  the  alterations  made  by  the  diets,  as  will  be  mentioned 
hereafter. 

D2 


HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

Poland,  taking  advantage  of  the  discord,  made  fre- 
quent incursions.  Happily,  however,  death  removed 
the  author  of  these  troubles,  after  he  had  reigned 
twelve  years ;  and  having  no  male  heirs,  Louis  ter- 
minated the  dynasty  of  the  Piasts  in  the  year  1382. 

In  this  first  period  were  laid  the  foundations  of  all 
the  most  important  Polish  institutions,  its  laws,  diets, 
orders ;  and  not  only  political  establishments,  but 
those  of  learning  also. 

The  laws,  we  have  seen,  were  formed  into  a  regu- 
lar code  by  Casimir ;  Wladislas  first  assembled  his 
nobles  in  a  diet  in  the  year  1331,  and  his  successor 
Casimir  followed  his  example.  These  convocations 
were  riot  merely  assemblies  of  one  order,  but  were 
formed  by  the  kings  on  the  very  principle  of  balance 
of  power — between  the  aristocracy,  consisting  of  the 
influential  nobles,  and  the  numerous  barons  who  pos- 
sessed the  title  of  noblemen,  but,  in  fact,  constituted 
a  separate  interest.  This  is  a  distinction  of  no  small 
importance ;  all  the  army,  at  least  those  who  fought 
on  horseback,  were  styled  nobles,  for  miles  and 
nobilis  were  synonymous. 

The  commercial  classes  were  not  admitted  to  any 
great  privileges,  since  at  that  time  they  consisted 
chiefly  of  foreigners  and  Jews.  The  latter  people, 
indeed,  had  obtained  possession  of  most  of  the  ready 
money  in  Poland,  as  well  as  elsewhere.  Boleslas 
II.  granted  them  a  charter  in  1264,  and  the  same 
protection  was  extended  to  them  by  Casimir  the 
Great.  It  was  said  that  this  prince  was  interested 
in  their  favour  by  Esther,  a  young  Jewess,  of  whom 
he  was  enamoured.  Cracow  was  in  his  time  one  of 
the  Hanse  Towns  in  alliance  with  forty  other  cities 
in  Europe.  The  exchange,  still  standing,  impresses 
us  with  a  high  idea  of  the  commerce  of  this  age, 
thus  intrusted  to  the  Jews.  So  sedulously  did  this 
industrious  people  avail  themselves  of  their  advan- 
tages, that  at  the  marriage  of  Casimir's  grand- 
daughter Elizabeth,  Wierzynck,  a  Jewish  merchant 


POLISH    HISTORIANS   OF    FIRST    PERIOD.          43 

of  Cracow,  requested  the  honour  of  being  allowed  to 
make  the  young  bride  a  marriage  present  of  100,000 
florins  of  gold, — an  immense  sum  at  that  time,  and 
equal  to  her  dowry  from  her  grandfather. 

With  regard  to  the  learning  of  this  period,  we  first 
meet  with  the  monkish  historian  Gallus,  who  wrote 
between  the  years  1110  and  1135.  His  history  com- 
mences in  825,  and  extends  to  1118.  According  to 
the  custom  of  his  order,  he  wrote  in  bad  Latin  verse. 
He  was  followed  by  Matthew  Cholewa,  bishop  of 
Cracow,  and  Vincent  Kadlubek.  This  latter  writer 
was  also  diocesan  of  the  same  see,  and  was  born 
about  the  year  1160.  He  wrote  in  the  time  of  Casi- 
mir  the  Just,  and  in  his  history  attempts  to  penetrate 
the  mysteries  of  the  Polish  origin.  But  the  circum- 
stance which  most  conduced  to  the  promotion  of 
learning  in  Poland  was  the  foundation  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Cracow,  by  Casimir  the  Great,  in  1347. 
It  was  regulated  in  imitation  of  that  of  Paris ;  and 
such  eminence  had  its  professors  attained  in  a  short 
time,  that  Pope  Urban  V.  estimated  it,  in  1364,  as 
equal  to  any  of  the  universities  of  Europe, 


44  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Hedwiga  marries  Jagellon,  Duke  of  Lithuania— Jagellon  Dynasty  com- 
mences 1386— Lithuanians — Their  Origin,  Religion,  and  History- 
Union  with  Poland— Union  of  the  Romish  and  Greek  Churches — 
Jagellon  defeats  the  Teutonic  Knights— Wladislas  succeeds,  1433— 
Defeats  the  Sultan  Amurath — Is  killed  in  the  Battle  of  Vama — Casi 
mir  IV.— Subdues  the  Teutonic  Knights — Polish  Prussia  added  to  the 
Kingdom— Origin  of  the  Polish  Diets,  1468— State  of  Learning  in 
Poland  under  Casimir — Printing  introduced — John  Albert,  1492— 
Ascendency  of  the  Nobles— Alexander— Sigismund  I. — Annihilation 
of  the  Teutonic  Knights— Sigismund  Augustus— Order  of  the  Livo- 
nian  Knights  suppressed— Union  with  Lithuania  consolidated— State 
of  Learning  under  Sigismund— Copernicus — Zaluzianski,  the  Polish 
Linnaeus— Religious  Toleration— Trade  of  the  Jews— Termination 
of  the  Jagellon  Dynasty,  1572— Remarks  on  this  Period. 

Louis  having  no  male  heirs,  the  Poles  called  his 
daughter  Hedwiga  to  the  throne  in  1384.  Between 
the  death  of  Louis  and  the  accession  of  Hedwiga 
there  was  an  interregnum  of  two  years,  occupied  in 
opposing  the  pretensions  of  Sigismund,  Marquis  of 
Brandeburg,  who  had  married  the  elder  daughter  of 
Louis.  It  was  stipulated,  however,  that  she  should 
follow  the  will  of  her  new  subjects  in  the  choice  of 
a  husband,  and  that  he  should  constantly  reside  in 
Poland.  Many  candidates  offered  themselves  for 
that  hand  which  was  dowered  with  a  kingdom ;  but 
William,  her  cousin,  a  prince  of  the  house  of  Aus- 
tria, found  most  favour  in  the  lady's  eyes.  He  was 
handsome  in  his  person,  elegant  in  his  manners,  and 
magnificent  in  his  retinue. 

The  Poles,  however,  would  not  consent  to  an  alli- 
ance which  would  immediately  subject  them  to  the 
power  of  the  encroaching  Austrians,  but  fixed  on 
Jagellon,  Duke  of  Lithuania.  His  offers  were  most 
tempting  to  the  Poles :  he  promised  to  unite  his  ex- 
tensive and  adjacent  dominions  to  Poland  inseparably 


JACELLON  MARRIES  HEDWIGA.  45 

under  one  government,  and  pledged  himself  for 
the  conversion  of  his  Lithuanian  subjects  to  Chris- 
tianity: Jagellon  was  accordingly  invited  to  come 
and  take  possession  both  of  his  wife  and  crown. 
Hedwiga,  however,  still  remained  faithful  to  her  first 
love,  and  secretly  invited  William  to  Poland.  Their 
affections  were  nipped  in  the  bud ;  for  the  Polish  no- 
bility, being  apprized  of  their  clandestine  interviews, 
surrounded  the  palace,  sent  William  home,  and  kept 
the  queen  under  the  strict  surveillance  of  military 
guards.  She  at  first  refused  to  give  Jagellon  an 
audience ;  but  the  entreaties  of  the  nobility  and  the 
coercion  of  confinement  shook  her  constancy,  and 
the  handsome  Lithuanian  soon  completed  the  oblite- 
ration of  her  former  affection.  Jagellon  was  bap- 
tized by  the  name  of  Wladislas ;  anT'FoTand  and 
Lithuania  were  henceforth  united  under  one  crown. 
This  dutchy  was  an  immense  accession  to  the  geo- 
graphical magnitude  of  Poland.  It  extended  from 
Poland  on  the  west,  beyond  the  Dnieper  or  Borys- 
thenes  on  the  east,  and  from  Livonia  on  the  north. 
The  Lithuanians  and  Samogitians,  who  are  different 
clans  of  the  same  origin,  are  now  generally  believed 
to  have  sprung  from  a  different  stem  from  the  Poles. 
They  spoke  a  language  widely  dissimilar  to  the 
Polish  or  the  Russian.*  Their  religion  was  a  sin- 
gular medley  of  idolatry :  they  believed  in  a  supreme 
god  or  Jupiter,  whom  they  called  the  omnipotent  and 
all- wise  spirit.  They  worshipped  the  god  of  thunder 
under  the  name  of  Perkunas ;  they  paid  homage  to 
a  god  of  the  harvests :  there  were  also  maintained 
priests  who  were  continually  feeding  a  sacred  fire  in 

*  See  Chap.  xiii.  of  Malte  Bran's  Tableau,  on  the  Lithuanian  Lan- 
guage. There  are  scarcely  any  traces  of  this  tongue  remaining  even 
in  Lithuania.  It  bears  a  singular  resemblance  to  the  Greek  and  Latin, 
not  only  in  a  few  words,  but  in  its  construction.  An  affinity  to  some 
word  in  either  one  or  other  of  these  languages  will  be  traced  in  the  fol 
lowing  list:— Mienou  (the  moon),  giaras  (good  or  honourable),  ugnis 
(fire),  dienas  (day),  wiras  (man),  dantis  (tooth),  saule  (sun),  akie  (eye), 
unguris  (a  snake),  &c. 


46  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

honour  of  Parni,  the  god  of  the  seasons ;  and  their 
flamen  was  called  Ziutz.  Trees,  fountains,  and 
plants,  all  came  in  for  a  share  of  their  veneration. 
They  had  sacred  serpents  called  Givo'ite,  and  believed 
in  guardian  spirits  of  bees,  cattle,  &c.  As  to  their 
government,  it  was,like  that  of  all  other  barbarous 
nations,  despotic ;  and  the  nobles  were  less  numerous 
and  more  tyrannical  to  the  lower  orders  than  in  Po- 
land. Ringold  was  the  first  who  united  the  various 
provinces,  and  assumed  the  title  of  grand  duke  of 
Lithuania  in  1235. 

In  1320  we  find  the  famous  Gedymin  on  the  ducal 
throne.  He  wrested  Volhynia,  Severia,  Kiovia,  and 
Czerniechovia*  from  the  Russians.  He  divided  his 
dukedom  between  his  sons,  but  Olgerd  made  him- 
self the  sole  possessor.  Jagellpn,  one  of  his  thirteen 
sons,  succeeded  him  in  1381.  /When  raised  to  the 
throne  of  Poland,  he  appoint^9'"his  cousin  Witold 
to  the  government  of  Lithuanian 

This  province  did  not  so  readily  coalesce  with 
Poland  as  was  expected.  Jagellon  did  not  find  the 
people  very  docile  disciples ;  for  though  the  Romish 
faith  was  partially  disseminated  in  Lithuania  Proper,f 
and  Wjlna  made  the  s^ea^f~a4jishop,  the  districts 
whicfi  had  been  subject  to  Russia  had  long  adopted 
the  doctrines  of  the  Greek  church,  and  obstinately 
adhered  to  their  tenets ;  while  the  Samogitians  re- 
fused to  accept  any  modification  of  the  Christian 
religion;  and  though  the  episcopal  city  Miedniki 
was  built  at  this  time,  they  clung  firmly  for  a  long 
period  to  their  own  strange  and  wild  superstitions.^ 
In  the  latter  part  of  this  reign  (in  14^4),  however, 
the  union  of  the  Roman  and  Gree|^hurches  look 
place laFtlie  cDtrveiit  of  Florence;  an3  the  Bishop  of 

*  Kiovia  and  Czerniechovia  compose  the  Ukraine,  properly  so  called. 

t  Consisting  of  the  modern  palatinates  Troki  and  Wilua. 

\  Even  at  the  present  day,  the  peasants  of  Samogitia  preserve  some 
traces  of  their  ancient  superstitions,  and  for  a  long  time  obstinately 
refused  to  use  ploughs  or  other  agricultural  instruments  furnished  with 
iron,  for  fear  of  wounding  the  bosom  of  mother-earth. 


WLADISLAS.  47 

Kiow  adopted  the  Roman  ritual,  but  the  Greek 
clergy  were  allowed  the  privilege  of  marriage. 

Nor  was  the  political  union  effected  without  oppo- 
sition. The  Lithuanian  nobles  were  afraid  of  losing 
their  ascendency  over  their  serfs  by  their  connexion 
with  the  less  despotic  Polish  barons ;  and  Witold, 
urged  on  by  the  emperor  Sigismund,  who  was  jea- 
lous of  the  growing  power  of  Poland,  revolted,  and 
was  making  preparations  for  his  coronatioti7~when 
he  suddenly  died  in  1430. 

Jagellon  established  the  Polish  law  on  a  firmer 
foundation  in  tire- diets  of  1422"  and  1423,  and  gave 
an  additional  sanction  to  the  code  of  Wisli§a,  which 
Casimir  had  begun.  To  him  the  Poles  are  indebted 
for  their  famous  law  that  no  individual  is  to  be  im- 
prisoned until  convicted.* 

This  monarch  was  obliged  to  fight  as  well  as 
preach  and  legislate :  he  was  in  the  early  part  of  his 
reign  continually  occupied  in  checking  the  encroach- 
ments of  the  Teutonic  knights.  He  defeated  them 
in  a  great  battle  at  Granewala  in  1410,  and  they  were 
happy  to  obtain  pEaceT  urT^ST*^ffisvmg  thus  laid 
the  foundation  of  Poland's  greatness,  he  died  in 
1433.f 

His  son  Wladislas,  was  not  much  more  than  nine 
years  old  when  the  crown  of  Poland  was  placed  on 
his  head.  His  another  and  some  of  the  nobles  were 
his  guardians  during1  his  nonage.  Scarcely  had  he 
escaped  from  his  pupilage,  when  he  served  his 
maiden  campaign  against  the  Turks.  The  descend- 
ants of  Otlmian,  not  content  wttll  their  conquests  in 

*  Neminem  captivabimus,  nisi  jure  victum  aut  in  crimine  deprehcn- 
sum. 

t  Jagellon  seems  to  be  no  favourite  with  Salvandy ;  this  historian  not 
only  attacks  his  character  and  administration,  but  even  his  person. 
("  Petit,  laid,"  &c.)  He  also  makes  him  the  author  of  the  degradation 
of  the  lower  classes.  This  point  has  been  justly  disputed  in  the  critique 
on  his  work  in  an  excellent  article  of  the  Revue  Encyclopedique  for 
August,  1820,  written  by  P'Herbelot.— See  Histoire  de  Pologne  avant 
ft  sous  le  roi  Jean  SoMeafci,  par  N.  A.  do  Salvandv.  Paris,  1829, 
Tom.  i.  p.  91,  &c. 


4g  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

Asia,  had  crossed  1 

tering  Eastern  empire.     - -.-- ,  ^  ^         _ 

and  a  great  portion  of  Hungary  ,^d  their^own  on 

opposing  them  ^^V-Uelv  took  the  field.  Amtt- 
Wiadislas,  who  ^f^^^niy,  and  Wladislas  the 
rath  headed  the  Moslem  an  .  ^^ 


treat     was        «  Hungarian  crown, 

^^^ 

s 


this 


But  the 

with  service,  were  now 
for  once  the  Moslem  cr 
eain 


with  r 

er  the  banller  of  jus- 

ce  slem  crescent  the  plams  of 

ice     Amurath  regained  his  laure       wladislas  fell 

lives 


4  DANTZIC POLISH   DIET.  49 

wearied  with  the  oppression  of  these  fanatical  bri- 
gands, rebelled  against  them,  and  placed  themselves 
under  the  protection  of :  (Jasimir,  m  1451.  The 
knights  did  not  surrender  their  conquests  without  a 
struggle,  and  the  war  was  prolonged  twelve  years.  • 
The  Poles  overran  all  the  Prussian  temtory  which  l 
continued  to  side  with  the  oppressors.  So  great  was 
the  devastation,  that  out  of  twenty-one  thousand 
villages  which  are  said  to  have  existed  before  this 
time  in  Prussia,  scarcely  more  than  thirteen  thou- 
sand survived  the  flames,  and  nearly  two  thousand 
churches  were  destroyed.*  The  knights  were  at 
length  obliged  to  submit;  and  a  treaty  was  con- 
cluded, by  which  they^urrendered  all  Polish  Prussia, 
and  held  the  remaining  ponton  as"~a"~fiell  of  FolafTd. 
Casimir  formed  this  new  addition  of  territory  into 
four  palatinates,  under1*th^MSctnre  government  as  the 
resfbf  his  kingdom,  excepting  certain  commercial 
privileges  granted  to  the  trading  towns.  Dantzig, 
Thorn,  Elbing,  and  Jjulrn  were  importariT  Ufqili- 
sttiTTrTs,  being  of  great"**  mercantile  consequence. 
pantzig  was  one  of  the  prlftclpa1!  Haii^fi  Towns, 
commanding  the  commerce  of  the  Baltic  ;  and  Oasi- 
mir  conferred  on  it  the  exclusive  privilege  of  navi- 
gation on  the  Vistula.  Moldavia,  also,  was  now 
tributary  to  Poland ;  so  that  this  kingdom  had  then 
the  means  of  uniting  the  commerce  of  northern 
Europe  with  that  of  the  south. 

The  system  of  internal  policy  was  also  undergoing 
several  changes.  Inlfie  early  part  of  this  reign  the 
senate  confirmed  the  decree  that  the  king' was  not  to 
make  war  without  their  permission.  In  the  year 
HG7,  the  foundation  of  the  Polish  fliet  or  parliament 
>as- MflrnSeiore  trTat  'perfoTTlKe^enate  consisted 
only  of  the  bishops  and  great  officers  of  the  kingdom, 
who  formed  the  king's  council,  subject  also  to  the 
interference  of  the  nobility. 

*  Tableau  de  la  I'ologuc.  AlcUte  Brun;  auginuiitc  par  Leonard 
C'liodzko.  Tom.  i.  IK  255. 


50  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

Learning  began  to  be  cultivated  by  the  Polish  gen- 
tlemehinthis  reign,  and  the  Latin  language  was  now 
generally  introduced.  It  is  said,  that  in  a  conference 
with  the  King  of  Sweden,  Casimir,  being  addressed 
in  Latin,  was  obliged  to  employ  a  monk  as  inter- 
preter ;  and,  ashamed  of  his  ignorance,  he  enjoined 
the  study  of  that  language  among  the  gentlemen  of 
Poland  by  an  edict.  It  has  continued  ever  since 
almost  a  living  language  in  that  country. 

The  first  piirjJLin^grjess  was  erected  at  Cracow  in 
-4- 1474.*  The  Polish  language  began  to  be  cultivated 
'  and  used  by  authors,  and  even  written  elegantly. 
Schools  were  generally  established,  to  which  the  sons 
of  the  citizens,  or  even  serfs,  had  the  same  access  as 
the  nobles.  Kromer,  the  historian,  called  the  Livy  of 
Poland,  son  of  a  peasant,  and  raised  to  the  bishopric 
of  Warmie,  and  Janicki,  of  the  same  origin,  noted  for 
his  Latin  poems,  and  crowned  with  the  laurel-wreath 
by  Pope  Clement  VII.,  were  among  the  numerous 
authors  who  lived  in  this  reign.  The  name  of  Gregory 
of  Sanok,  the  Polish  Bacon,  must  not  pass  unnoticed. 
He  was  bom  about  the  year  1400,  and  died  in  1417. 
He  held  a  professorship  in  the  university  of  Cracow 
some  time,  in  which  office  he  introduced  a  spirit  of 
liberal  and  independent  inquiry,  for  which  we  could 
scarcely  give  the  age  credit.  He  hated  the  scholas- 
tic dialect,  says  his  biographer,  ridiculed  astrology, 
and  introduced  a  simple  mode  of  reasoning.  He 
was  also  a  great  admirer  and  patron  of  elegant  learn- 
ing, and  was  the  first  who  introduced  the  works  of 
Virgil  into  notice  in  Poland. 

The  .<Jietjs  up  to  this  period  had  been  general  assem- 
blies  of  all  the  nofcles,  that  is,  of  the  army;  but  the 
inconvenience  of  holding  meetings  of  more  than  a 
hundred  thousand  hcrsemen  obliged  the  Poles  to 

*  It  is  reported  that  there  is  a  work  extant  bearing  date,  Cracow, 
1465;  but  Salvandy  says,  the  press  in  the  monastery  of  Oliva  was  the 
first.  The  statement  above  is  from  Podczaszynski.— Fragmews  &ur  la 
Litterature  Ancienne  de  la  Polognc, 


DEPUTIES JOHN  ALBERT.         51 

adopt  the  form  of  representation  which  had  become 
almost  universal  in  Europe,  pie.tirjfis,  or  colloquia, 
had  long  been  held  by  each  of 'the  palatines  in  their 
palatinates  for  the  administration  of  justice,  and  these 
now  began  to  appoint ..deputies,  for  the  management 
of  the  public  business.  In  the  course  of  time  every 
district  assumed  the  same  privilege,  and  at  length,  in 
1468,  sent  two  deputies  to  a  general  diet.  This  first 
diet  was  convened  to  debate  on  the  propriety  of 
renewing  the  war  against  the  Teutonic  knights,  of 
which  we  have  already  seen  the  conclusion.  The 
system,  however,  was  only  gradually  introduced. 
The  nobles  of  many  of  the  provinces  refused  to  give 
up  their  rights  to  a  deputy ;  and  Regal  Prussia,  in 
particular,  was  so  tenacious  of  this  privilege,  that  it 
has  reserved  even  to  modern  times  the  power  of 
sending  as  many  nobles  to  the  diet  as  it  pleases.  The 
deputies  also  were  bound  to  act  precisely  according- 
to  the  instructions  of  their  constituents,  and  the 
nobles  still  maintained  their  custom  of  general  meet- 
ings or  confederations  when  occasion  required.  The 
towns  also  at  this  time  enjoyed  the  elective  fran- 
chise. 

Casimir,  having  thus  spent  nearly  forty-eight  years* 
in  the  service  of  his  kingdom,  extending  its  territoryA 
conquering  its  enemies,  framing  its  constitution,  and 
civilizing  it  with  arts  and  learning,  left  it  to  the  care) 
of  his  third  son,  J^hn  Albert,  A.  D.  1492. 

Good  fortune  and  faction  raised'Jorm  Albert  above 
his  two  elder  brothers,  but  courage  and  policy  main- 
tained him  in  his  elevation.  The  latter  of  these  car- 
dinal virtues  in  a  king  was  not,  however,  always  ex- 
hibited in  the  present  monarch's  councils.  He  had 
admitted  an  Italian,  Buonacorsi,  formerly  his  tutor, 
into  his  confidence,  and  showed  much  deference  to 
his  opinions.  According  to  his  advice,  he  attentpted 
to  lessen  the  preponderance  of  the  nobility  in  the 
political  scale.  The  plan  was  prudent ;  and  if  it  could 
have  been  effected,  and  their  power  withheld  till  the 


52  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

tiers-etat  was  sufficiently  strengthened  with  wealth 
and  arts  to  counteract  its  undue  influence,  Poland 
might,  like  England,  have  enjoyed  a  firmly-balanced 
constitution,  in  which  the  dissentient  ranks  are  so 
well  adjusted,  that  disorder  and  its  remedy  are  alwaysr 
produced  simultaneously. 

Albert  impoliticly  gave  publicity  to  a  design  in 
which  concealment  was  the  principal  requisite  to  en- 
sure success.  Unfortunately,  a  circumstance  which 
happened  shortly  after  the  disclosure  rendered  the 
king  still  more  an  object  of  suspicion  to  the  nobles. 
The  Polish  troops  were  waylaid  by  an  ambuscade 
during  a  campaign  against  the  Walachians,  and  a 
great  number  of  nobles,  who  almost  entirely  com- 
posed the  army,  were  put  to  the  sword.  This  event, 
coupled  with  the  king's  denouement,  engendered  a 
suspicion  of  treachery,  and  made  the  nobles  the  more 
on  the  alert,  not  only  to  preserve  their  privileges,  but 
to  intrench  on  those  of  the  king  and  people.  The 
Lithuanian  nobles,  in  particular,  were  strenuous  in 
their  opposition  to  the  king's  design ;  their  principles 
had  always  been  more  exclusive  than  those  of  the 
Poles,  but  the  danger  which  threatened  their  privi- 
leges united  both  in  the  common  cause.  From  this 
time  we  may  date  their  despotism  over  the  serfs,  who, 
not  having  allies  in  the  commercial  classes,  were 
obliged  to  submit  quietl".  The  influence  of  the 
trading  classes  was  checked  by  two  causes.  In  the 
first  place,  every  gentleman  who  had  a  house  and  a 
few  acres  of  land  could  enjoy  all  the  privileges  of 
nobility ;  hence  none  but  the  lower  ordert  or  foreign- 
ers,  would  engage  in  mercantile  pursuits :  and, 
secondly,  the  towns  were  composed  chiefly  of  Ger- 
man strangers,  Jews,  and  even  Armenians,  who  had 
been  long  considered  almost  out  of  the  pale  of  the 
law,  and  could  not  be  admitted  to  the  rights  of  natu- 
ralization. From  this  time,  therefore,  we  may  date 
thejorigin  of  the  exclusive  influence  of  the  nobles  ^ 
they  became  resolute  in  maintaining  arbitrary  author 


EXPULSION  OF  THE  TEUTONIC  KNIGHTS.         53 

ity  over  their  serfs;  the  commercial  class  were  in- 
cluded in  the  proscription  of  rights,  being  interdicted 
by  the  diet  in  1496  from  becoming  proprietors  of 
land  or  possessors  of  church  preferment. 

But  what  Albert  unintentionally  pulled  down  from 
one  part  of  the  constitution  he  rebuilt  in  another; 
and  to  make  amends  for  having  thus  weakened  the 
political  power  of  the  people,  he  fortified  their  juridi- 
cal rights.  In  his  time  the  law-courts  were  sub- 
mitted to  more  fixed  regulations,  and  corruption  and 
oppression  of  the  people  exposed  and  punished. 

In  the  reign  of  his  successor,  Alexander,  who  came 
to  the  throne  1501,  the  crown  was  still  more  debased. 
The  king  was  jprohibiteft*from  raising  any  money  or 
using  the  revenue  without  the  consent  of  the  diet. 
This  law,  called  Statutum  Jllexandrinum,  is  saicTto 
have  passed  to  check  Alexander's  prodigality  to  mu- 
sicians, to  whose  art  he  was  passionately  attached. 
All  the  Polish  laws  were  revised  and  corrected  at 
this  period  by  the  chancellor  Laski,  after  whom  the 
code  is  named. 

When  Sigismimd  I.  came  to  the  throne  in  1507, 
he  found  "mat  it  was"  not  a  bed  of  roses.  Faction 
rose  up  against  him  as  a  many-headed  monster ;  and 
it  required  a  powerful  and  long  arm  to  decapitate  the 
ever-growing  heads,  and  perseverance  with  resolu- 
tion to  sear  the  wounds.  But  the  Polish  monarch 
was  not  to  be  soon  intimidated;  he  defeated  the 
Lithuanians  who  had  revolted,  and  routelrtfrer  Rus- 
sian auxiliaries  of  the  rebels.  The  latter  success 
was  in  a  great  measure  owing  to  the  artillery  which  ^ 
was  now  introduced  into  the  Polish  army,'  Or  rather 
among  their  Bohemian  allies  and  fellow-subjects. 

Albert,  Marquis  of  Brandeburg,  and  nephew  of 
SigisnTon^  had  been  elected  Master  of  the  Teutonic 
order,  in  the  hope  that  his  connexion  with  the  Polish 
kings  might  be  the  means  of  advancing  their  interest. 
No  sooner  was  he  invested  with  this  authority,  than 
he  renounced  all  allegiance  to  Poland,  and  refused  to 
-""  E2 


64  HISTORY   OF   POLAND. 

submit  to  his  liege-lord  Sigismund.  He  was,  how- 
ever, soonJteowght-  *e  obedience,  and  obliged  to 
resign  his  authority  as  master.  This  resignation  was 
the  knell  of  the  Teutonic  knights;  they  were  now r 
deprivecTbf  all  standing  ground  in  Prussia,  and  were 
obliged  to  retire  to  Mariendal  in  Franconia.  The 
Poles  were  thus  delivered  from  one  enemy ;  but  little 
did  they  imagine  that  the  successors  whom  they  ap- 
pointed to  the  vacated  authority  would  eventually  be 
their  destroyers.  Sigismund  formed  Eastern  Prussia 
into  a  dutchy  in  1225,  and  intrusted  it  to  Albert  as  a 
fief.  Polish  or  Western  Prussia  was  hence  called 
Regal  Prussia,  to  distinguish  it  from  the  dutchy. 

But  when  the  king  had  quelled  all  foreign  troubles, 
he  found  others  at  home  of  a  more  insidious  and  less 
tractable  nature.  His  wife,  Bona,  was  the  prime 
mover  of  these  intrigues ;  she  had  obtained  a  com- 
plete ascendency  over  the  mind  of  her  husband,  who 
was  now  no  more  than  a  puppet  which  played  her 
own  game.  The  nobility,  being  summoned  by  the 
king  to  assemble  atX^eopol,  or  Lemberg,in  Gallicia, 
obeyed  his  orders,  but  it  was  to  make  universal  com- 
plaints against  the  queen  and  the  administration. 
This  confederation  they  styled  Rokosz,  in  imitation 
of  the  Hungarians,  who,  in  cases  of  public  emer- 
gency, held  their  assemblies  in  the  plain  of  Rokosz, 
near  the  city  Pest.  The  confederation  was  not 
formed  of 'very  stubborn  materials ;  for  they  were  all 
dispersed,  we  are  told,  by  a  shower  of  rain.  This 
assembly  and  protest,  however  trifling  in  themselves, 
were  of  much  importance  as  establishing  a  prece- 
dent which  was  but  too  often  and  obstinately  imi- 
tated in  following  times.* 

No  sooner  had  Sigismund  Augustus,  the  son  of 
the  preceding  monarch,  ascended  the  throne,  than 
factions  were  formed  against  him,  because  he  had 

*  Paulus  Jovius,  an  Italian  writer,  and  bishop  of  Nocera  at  that  time, 
says  there  were  then  but  three  heroes  living,  Charles  V.,  Francis  I.,  and 

KifficiYiiirxl     on,!   that   aithoi-  nf  thaiv.   <1aaoi-irorl  tr.  i-ulo  oil    Plirnno 


TEUTONIC    KNIGHTS    OF    LIVONIA.  55 

concurrence  of  the 

The  object  of  his  choice  was  13arba  Radziwill, 
widow  of  a  Lithuanian  noble  of  no  great  consequence. 
This  marriage  had  been  contracted  secretly  before 
his  father's  death,  but  he  publicly  acknowledged  it  on 
coming  to  the  crown.  Firm  in  his  affection,  and 
faithful  to  his  vows,  he  would  not  break  his  domestic 
ties,  although  his  constancy  'might  cost  him  a  king- 
dom.* The  contest  did  not,  however,  come  to  this 
crisis  ;  for  the  king  dexterously  turned  the  attention 
of  the  nobles  to  their  own  interests,  and  heard  no 
more  objections  to  his  marriage.  But  Sigismund 
did  not  long  enjoy  the  domestic  happiness  which  he 
so  well  deserved;  for,  in  the  course  of  six  months, 
death  made  him  a  widower. 

Sigismund  was  not  entirely  freed  from  war,  but  he 
found  time  to  cultivate  the  arts  of  peace  very  suc- 
cessfully. In  this  rp.icrn~T(jvftflT'a  anri  j 

to  the  Polish  crown.     The 


annexed  to  the  Polish  crown.  The  order  of  the 
knights  of  Christ,  having  the  same  statutes  as  the 
Templars,  was  founded  in  1202  by  the  Bishop  of 
Ffrga,  who  conferred  on  them  the  right  to  a  third  part 
of  Livonia,  which  they  were  to  conquer  and  convert 
to  Christianity  ;  and  this  grant  was  also  confirmed  by 
the  pope.  The  first  grand-master  was  Winno,  who 
denominated  the  order  Ensiferi.  In  1238  they 
formed  a  solemn  compact  with  the  Teutonic  knights, 
and  adopted  their  statutes.  They  reduced  Livonia 
and  Courland,  and  in  1521  purchased  their  inde- 
pendence of  the  grand-master  of  the  Teutonic  order. 
The  Reformation  began  now  to  spread  in  Livonia,  and 
greatly  weakened  the  power  of  the  knights.  At  this 
time  they  had  imprisoned  the  Bishop  of  Riga,  Sigis- 
mund's  cousin,  and  massacred  the  envoys  whom  he 
sent  to  demand  the  release  of  his  kinsman.  Sigis- 

*  The  Archbishop  of  Gnesne  was  very  earnest  in  pressing  him  to 
divorce  his  wife  ;  and  the  Bishop  of  Przemysl  is  said  to  have  quoted  the 
following  lines  of  Euripides,  in  defence  of  the  injustice  he  would  do 
to  her. 

Enrtp  ydp  adiKctv  xPVi  rvpavviSos  irfyi 
KdAA«rrov  d&Keiv.—Euripid.  Phcen.  v,  527 


50  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

mund  was  arming  to  wreak  vengeance  on  them, 
when,  dreading  the  encounter,  they  submitted  and 
formed  an  alliance  with  Poland.  The  Czar  of 
Moscow,  provoked  at  this  step,  invaded  Livonia ;  andf 
the  knights,  not  able  to  defend  themselves,  sued  for 
assistance  from  Sigismund,  who  repelled  the  Rus* 
sians.  Livonia  was  surrendered  to  Poland  in  1561 ; 
and  Kettle r,  the  grand-master,  was  invested  wkh  the 
dutchy  of  Courland  as  a  fief.  He  was  bound  as  vassal 
to  furnish  the  king  with  200  horse  or  500  infantry, 
and  was  not  allowed  to  maintain  more  than  500 
regular  troops. 

The  wai  in  which  Sigismund  was  engaged  with 
the  Russians  led  to  a  consolidation  of  the  union  be- 
tween Poland  and  Lithuania.  At  the  commencement 
of  hostilities  the  czar  was  victorious,  and  even  in- 
vaded Lithuania.  The  Polish  nobles  refused  to 
march  to  the  assistance  of  their  fellow-subjects,  but 
under  the  condition  that  the  union  should  be  con- 
summated. This  was  readily  granted,  and  in  1569_ 
the  desired  arrangement  was  definitely  concluded  in 
a  diet  of  both  provinces  at  Lublin,  Lithuania  was 
united  to  Poland  under  the  same  laws,  privileges, 
and  government.  It  was  agreed  that  the  diets  com- 
posed of  representatives  of  both  these  countries 
should  meet  at  Warsaw,  which  is  a  central  town,  and 
neither  in  Poland  Proper  nor  Lithuania,  but  in 
Mazovia. 

The  genius  of  Copernicus,  the  great  precursor  of 
Newton,  had  lately  shone  forth, 


velut  inter  ignes 

Luna  minores. 

He  was  born  in  1473,  at  Thorn;  where  his  father,  a 
citizen  of  Cracow,  had  settled  after  the  accession  of 
Polish  Prussia  to  Poland.  At  the  age  of  nineteen  he 
was  sent  to  the  university  of  Cracow,*  where  he  pur- 

*  It  was  there  that,  under  the  tuition  of  Albert  Brudzewski,  Coper- 
nicus pursued  his  mathematical  studies.  Even  at  this  early  period  astro- 
nnmir.al  calendars  were  annually  uublished  at  this  university :  and.  to  the 


PRINTING RELIGIOUS  TOLERATION.  57 

sued  his  mathematical  studies  under  the  noted  Brud- 
zewski.  Adam  Zaluzianski  is  the  Polish  Linnaeus; 
and  in  this  same  age  published  a  work  entitled  Me- 
thodus  Herbaria,  in  which  he  exhibits  his  sexual 
arrangement  of  plants.  There  were  perhaps  more 
printing-presses  at  this  time  in  Poland  than  there 
have  ever  been  since,  or  than  there  were  in  any  other 
country  of  Europe  at  the  time.  There  were  eighty- 
three  towns  where  they  printed  books ;  and  in  Cracow 
alone  there  were  fifty  presses.  The  chief  circum- 
stance which  supported  so  many  printing  houses  in 
Poland  at  this  time  was  the  liberty  of  the  press ;  which 
allowed  the  publication  of  writings  of  all  the  con- 
tending sects,  which  were  not  permitted  to  be  printed 
elsewhere. 

Nor  were  the  Poles  less  advanced  in  that  most  en- 
lightened feeling  of  civilization,  religious  toleration. 
When  almost  all  the  rest  of  Europe  was  deluged 
with  the  blood  of  contending  sectaries;  while  the 
Lutherans  were  perishing  in  Germany ;  while  the 
blood  of  above  a  hundred  thousand  Protestants,  the 
victims  of  the  war  of  persecution,  and  the  horrid 
massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew,  was  crying  from  the 
ground  of  France  against  the  infamous  Triumvirate, 
and  the  hypocritical  Catharine  de  Medicis;  while 
Mary  made  England  a  fiery  ordeal  of  persecution, 
and  even  the  heart  of  the  "  virgin  queen"  was  not 
entirely  cleansed  of  the  foul  stuff  of  bigotry,  but 
dictated  the  burnings  of  the  Arians ;  Poland  opened 
an  asylum  for  the  persecuted  of  all  religions,  and 
allowed  every  man  to  worship  God  in  his  own  way. 
"Mosques,"  says  Rulhiere,*  "were  raised  among 
churches  and  synagogues.  Leopol  has  always  been 

sense.  The  "  Calendriers  Cracoviens"  are  even  still  in  great  repute  in 
Austria. 

It  is  rather  a  singular  coincidence,  though  perhaps  scarcely  worth 
remarking,  that  Copernicus  as  well  as  Newton  was  concerned  with  the 
coinage  of  his  country.  He  wrote  a  treatise,  "  Sur  la  Maniere  d'orga- 
niser  lesMonnaies  Polonaises,"  which  is  stiU  in  being. 

*  Histoire  de  1'Anarchie  de  Pologne. 


58  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

the  seat  of  three  bishops,  Greek,  Armenian,  and 
Latin ;  and  it  was  'never  inquired  in  which  of  theii 
three  cathedrals  any  man,  who  consented  to  submit 
to  the  regulations  of  government,  went  to  receive 
the  communion.  Lastly,  when  the  Reformation  was 
rending  so  many  states  into  inimical  factions,  Poland, 
without  proscribing  her  ancient  religion,  received 
into  her  bosom  the  two  new  sects."  All  parties 
were  allowed  a  perfect  liberty  of  the  press :  the 
Catholics  printed  their  books  at  Cracow,  Posen, 
Lublin,  &c. ;  while  the  followers  of  the  Confession 
of  Augsburg  published  theirs  at  Paniowica,  Dom- 
browa,  and  Szamotuly ;  the  Reformers  at  Pinczow, 
Brzesc,  Knyszyn,  and  Nieswiez;  the  Arians  at 
Rakow  and  Zaslaw;  and  the  Greek  sectarians  in 
Lithuania  at  Ostrow  and  Wilna. 

In  1540  it  was  ascertained  that  there  were  not  in 
the  whole  of  Poland  more  than  500  Christian  mer- 
chants and  manufacturers ;  while  there  were  3200 
Jewish,  who  employed  9600  artisans  in  working  gold, 
silver,  &c.,  or  manufacturing  cloths.  In  the  reign  of 
Sigismund  Augustus,  the  Jews  were  prohibited  from 
dealing  in  horses  or  keeping  inns. 

Such  was  the  state  of  his  kingdom  when  Sigis- 
mund died,  iaJ572.  With  this  monarch  ended  the 
line  of  kings  of*  the  house  of  Jagellon. 

Having  thus  arrived  at  another  era  in  our  historical 
narrative,  let  us  cast  a  brief  view  on  the  tract  we 
have  travelled  over.  Under  the  dynasty  of  the  Jagel- 
lons,  which  lasted  186  years,  Poland  had  attained  its 
perfect  growth  and  dimensions,  and  its  constitution 
had  also  arrived  at  equal  maturity.  Jewel  after  jewel 
has  since  been  stolen  from  the  crown,  till  it  has  be- 
come but  a  simple  badge  of  official  distinction.  There 
being  no  third  order  whom  the  kings  could  raise  up 
against  the  nobles,  which  would  have  rendered  the 
monarchy  limited,  but  shielded  it  from  total  subjec- 
tion to  the  aristocracy,  there  was  no  alternative  but 
to  make  the  government  a  perfect  despotism  as  in 


POLAND  AN  ELECTIVE  MONARCHY.       59 

Russia,  to  preserve  the  regal  authority.  This  was 
attempted,  as  we  shall  see,  in  after-years ;  but  the 
kings  who  undertook  it  had  not  sufficient  genius  or 
perseverance,  and  the  aristocracy  had  attained  too 
great  an  ascendency  by  the  diet  and  confederation. 
Besides,  the  chief  military  forces  of  the  kingdom  were 
not  composed  of  a  distinct  order,  who  might  be  won 
over  to  the  regal  side,  but  of  the  nobility  and  their 
retinues ;  nor  had  the  king  that  powerful  engine, 
wealth,  in  his  power, — all  the  revenue  being  at  the 
disposal  of  the  diet,  which  was  composed  of  the  aris- 
tocracy. Under  these  circumstances,  the  king  could 
only  be  "a  judge,"  as  one  of  the  future  monarchs* 
expressed  himself;  and  the  state  that  anomaly,  a 
republic  of  aristocrats.f 


CHAPTER   III. 

"eland  becomes  an  elective  Monarchy — Religious  Toleration—Henry 
of  Anjou  elected— Henry  absconds— Stephen  Batory — Introduces  the 
Jesuits — Disciplines  the  Cossacks— Origin,  Manners,  <fcc.  of  the  Cos- 
sacks— Sigismund  III.,  Prince  of  Sweden,  elected— Swedes  revolt,  and 
expel  Sigismund— Demetrius,  the  Russian  Impostor — War  wi».h  Rus- 
sia—The Poles  take  Moscow,  and  carry  the  Czar  Prisoner  to  Warsaw 
—A  Pole  Czar  of  Russia— Zolkiewski— War  with  Gustavus  Adol- 
phus—  Wladislas  VII.— The  Revolt  of  the  Cossacks— Casimir  III.— 
Charles  Gustavus  overruns  Poland— Is  repelled — Treaty  of  Oliva — 
Project  of  Partition— Revolts  of  the  Nobles  —  Casimir  abdicates  the 
Throne—  Liberum  Veto. 

SIGISMUND'S  funeral  bell  was  the  tocsin  of  anarchy 
in  Poland.  Being  without  a  male  heir,  this  last  of 
the  Jagellons  restored  the  crown  to  his  subjects  for 
their  disposal ;  a  trust  which  occasioned  them  much 

*  Henry. 

t  The  state  of  Poland  at  the  time  of  Sigismund's  death  is  accurately 
described  in  a  curious  Italian  manuscript  in  the  Harleian  Collection.  It 
is  entitled,  "  Relazione  di  Polonia ;"  and  the  author  was  an  ambassador 
from  Venice  to  Poland  at  this  period,  as  he  states  himself  (pen-he  io  sono 


60  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

perplexity.  The  nobles,  among  whom  had  sprui 
up  that  spirit  of  equality  and  jealousy  which  had 
intrenched  on  the  regal  authority,  would  not  bend 
a  rival  of  their  own  order ;  and  with  the  same  fee 
ing  which  has  made  them  in  late  years  rathei  subn 
to  the  domineering  and  treacherous  interference  < 
foreign  powers  than  bear  any  stretch  or  even  appes 
ance  of  power  in  their  peers,  they  preferred  to  lo< 
abroad  for  a  king.  The  Polish  crown  thus  be'can 
a  prize  of  competition  for  foreign  prjnces,  and  it  st 
possessed  sufficient  temptations  to  have  many  ca 
didates ;  for  besides  the  opportunity  that  a  monan 
backed  with  extraneous  forces  might  have  of  e 
tending  the  authority,  there  remained  still  mai 
important  privileges  like  interstices  between  the  e 
closures  of  the  laws.  The  neighbouring  pptentat 
now  began  a  struggle  for  Poland,  and  at  length  tl 
unhappy  country  became  the  prey  of  their  confliclii 
interests  in  addition  to  the  evils  of  civil  dissensio 
During  the  interregnum  which  succeeded  the  dea 
of  Sigismund,  the  Archbishop  of  Gnesne,  on  who 
the  authority  devolved  at  such  times,  convoked  tl 
diet  to  debate  on  the  choice  of  a  new  king.  In  th 
meeting,  which  was  held  in  1573,  the  laws  we 
passed  which  regulated  the  elections.  The  motic 
made  by  John  Zamoyski,  representative  of  Belz, 
Gallicia,  thai  all  the  nobles  should  have  a  voice 
the  nomination7was*curried ;  and  it  was  agreed  th 
they  should  meet  in  a  plain  near  Warsaw.  In  Ih 
diet  also  the  coronation-oath,  or  pacta  conventa,  w; 
revised.  The  'principal  articles  were  the  same  < 
have  been  ever  since  administered  to  the  kings-elec 
stripping  the  monarch  of  all  active  power,  makir 
the  crown  elective,  and  requiring  regular  convoc 
tions  of  the  diet  every  IAVO  years.  They  bound  hi 

stato  Ambasciadorc,  <fcc.)  He  gives  an  exact  description  of  the  geogi 
phy,  hustory,  commerce,  &c.,  as  a  preface  to  the  account  of  the  electk 
which  we  shall  describe  in  the  next  chapter.  To  prevent  an  intern 
lion  of  the  narrative,  we  will  throw  our  extracts  into  the  Appendix. 


ELECTION    OF    HENRY.  61 

also  to  observe  perfect  toleration  oi   leligious  prin- 


ciples, promising  among  themselves  (inter  nos  dissi- 
dentes  de  religione),  as  well  for  themselves  as  their 
posterity,  never  to  take  up  arms  on  account  of  diver- 
sity in  religious  tenets.  The  Roman  Catholic,  how- 
ever, remained  the  state  religion,  and  the  kings  were 
bound  to  be  of  that  profession  of  faith. 

The  nobles  accordingly  assembled  at  Warsaw, 
armed,  and  with  all  their  pomp  of  retinue.  Several 
candidates  were  nominated,  among  whom  were  Er- 
nest, son  of  the  Emperor  Maximilian  of  Austria,  and 
Henry,  Duke  of  Anjou,  son  of  Catharine  de  Medicis, 
and  brother  of  Charles  IX.,  the  reigning  king  of 
France.  The  latter  was  the  successful  competitor, 
and  an  embassy  was  sent  to  Paris  to  announce  the 
decision.  We  cannot  refrain  from  inserting,  at  full 
length,  the  description  given  of  this  Polish  deputa- 
tion by  an  eyewitness  then  living  at  Paris  : 

"  It  i£  impossible  to  express  the  general  astonish- 
ment when  we  saw  these  ambassadors  in  long  robes, 
fur  caps,  sabres,  arrows,  and  quivers  ;  but  our  admi- 
ration was  excessive  when  we  saw  the  sumptuous- 
ness  of  their  equipages,  the  scabbards  of  their  swords 
adorned  with  jewels,  their  bridles,  saddles,  and  horse- 
cloths decked  in  the  same  way,  and  the  air  of  con- 
sequence and  dignity  by  which  they  were  distin- 
guished. One  of  the  most  remarkable  circumstances 
was  their  facility  in  expressing  themselves  in  Latin, 
French,  German,  and  Italian.  These  four  languages 
were  as  familiar  to  them  as  their  vernacular  tongue. 
There  were  only  two  men  of  rank  at  court  who  could 
answer  them  in  Latin,  the  Baron  of  Millau  and  the 
Marquis  of  Castelnau-Maurissiere.  They  had  been 
commissioned  expressly  to  support  the  honour  of  the 
French  nation,  that  had  reason  to  blush  at  their  igno- 
rance in  this  point.  —  They  (the  ambassadors)  spoke 
our  language  with  so  much  purity,  that  one  would 
have  taken  them  rather  for  men  educated  on  the 
banks  of  the  Seine  and  the  Loire,  than  for  inhabit- 
F 


62  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

ants  of  the  countries  which  are  watered  by  the  Vis- 
tula or  the  Dnieper,  which  put  our  courtiers  to  the 
blush,  who  knew  nothing,  but  were  open  enemies  of 
all  science ;  so  that  when  their  guests  questioned 
them,  they  answered  only  with  signs  or  blushes."* 

Thus  was  Henry  called  to  the  throne,  and  he  who 
was  engaged  at  the  very  moment  of  his  election  in 
fighting  against  the  Protestantsf  now  took  the  oath 
of  toleration  to  all  dissenters  and  sectaries.  He  ac- 
cepted the  crown  reluctantly ;  for,  although  all  was 
ready  for  the  king's  departure  to  Poland,  this  prince 
did  not  hurry  to  set  out.  However  honourable  the 
object  of  his  voyage,  he  regarded  it  as  an  exile. J 
But  no  sooner  had  he  reached  Poland  than  he  was 
informed  of  the  death  of  his  brother,  and  the  vacancy 
of  the  French  throne.  Not  choosing  to  forfeit  his 
hereditary  right  and  the  substantial  authority  of  the 
crown  of  France,  and  knowing  that  the  Poles  would 
not  allow  him  to  swerve  from  his  oath,  which  bound 
him  to  reside  in  Poland,  he  took  the  singular  resolu- 
tion to  abscond,  and  leave  the  country  by  stealth. 
He  was  overtaken  a  few  leagues  from  Cracow  by 
one  of  the  Polish  nobles,  but  resolutely  refused  to 
return. § 

This  singular  and  unexpected  event  renewed  the 
factions,  some  of  which  called  Maximilian  of  Austria 
to  the  throne,  but  were  at  last  obliged  to  yield  to  the 
opposite  party,  who  chose  Anne,  the  sister  of  Sigis- 
mund,  and  Stephen  Batory,  Duke  of  Transylvania, 
for  her  husband,  A.  D.  1575. 

This  prince  was  possessed  of  rare  qualities  and 
high  talent,  having  raised  himself  by  his  valour,  and 

*  Histoire  de  J.  A.  De  Thou,  &c. 

t  He  was  besieging  Rochelle,  which  was  in  the  possession  of  the 
Huguenots. 

t  De  Thou,  vol.  iv.  liv.  22. 

§  The  Relazione  di  Polonia,  mentioned  in  the  preceding  chapter,  con- 
tains a  full  account  of  this  proceeding,  which,  as  the  author  says,  is  so 
singular,  that  "  non  si  trova  in  alcuu  istoria  antica  d  moderna  un  casa 
tale." 


BATORY JESUITS COSSACKS.  63 

without  the  least  violence  or  collusion,  to  the  duke 
dom  of  Transylvania ;  and  he  was  now  called  spon- 
taneously to  the  Polish  throne.  Nor  did  he  degen- 
erate after  his  exaltation,  vanquishing  the  Russians 
in  a  series  of  battles,  distinguished  by  striking  fea- 
tures of  barbarity  on  the  side  of  the  enemy,  and 
valour,  chastened  with  mercy,  on  that  of  Batory. 
Peace  was  at  length  concluded  by  the  interposition 
of  Posse vin,  the  Jesuit,  and  legate  from  the  pope. 

This  was  the  circumstance  which  gave  the  Jesuits 
an  introduction  into  Poland.  Their  order  was  then 
only  noted  for  its  learning ;  and  Batory,  imagining 
he  was  acting  for  the  improvement  of  his  people, 
intrusted  to  them  the  care  of  the  university  of  Wilna, 
which  he  had  just  founded.  Succeeding  years,  how- 
ever, showed  them  in  a  very  different  character  in 
Poland  from  teachers  and  peacemakers. 

But  the  most  politic  act  of  this  king  was  the 
addition  to  the  strength  of  the  nation,  effected  by 
establishing  a  standing  army,  and  introducing  an 
improved  discipline.  He  now  also  brought  the  Cos- 
sacks under  some  military  order.  It  was  that  Cos- 
sack tribe  called  ZaporOg  (Cosaci  Zaporohenses) 
that  was  thus  rendered  serviceable  to  Poland.  They 
inhabited,  or  rather  frequented,  the  islands  and 
swamps  of  the  Dnieper,  which  formed  a  barrier 
against  their  warlike  neighbours.  In  the  reign  of 
Sigismund  I.  they  were  first  armed  against  the  Tar- 
tars, and  a  Polish  officer,  Daszkiewicz,  was  appointed 
their  governor ;  but  no  further  notice  was  taken  of 
them  till  the  time  of  Batory.  The  absurd  and  mon- 
strous descriptions  of  this  people  and  their  manners, 
which  were  founded  on  rumour,  have  been  fully 
credited  by  modern  writers;  and  Voltaire,  who  is 
one  of  the  greatest  among  fabulists,  does  not  fail  to 
magnify  the  wonders.*  We  shall  endeavour  to 
throw  a  little  clearer  light  on  the  manners  of  this 

f  See  History  of  Russia,  and  Charles  XII.,  book  4. 


S4  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

tribe,  from  old  authors  of  credit.  The  first  is  Chev- 
alier, who  wrote  a  history  of  a  war  of  the  Cossacks, 
which  will  shortly  come  under  our  notice,  prefaced 
with  remarks  on  their  manners  and  government 
gleaned  from  actual  experience.*  The  Cossacks 
were  the  southern  borderers  of  Poland,  and,  liker  all 
other  people  similarly  situated,  were  continually 
carrying  on  an  irregular  and  predatory  war ;  hence 
their  name,  which  implies  plunderers.^  The  Ukraine 
also  means  frontier  country,  and,  in  course  of  time, 
all  its  inhabitants  were  designated  Cossacks.  "  They 
were,"  says  Chevalier,  "  only  a  military  body,  and 
not  a  nation,  as  some  have  imagined.  We  cannot 
compare  them  better  than  to  the  '  Francarchers' 
formerly  established  in  France  by  Charles  VII." 
They  made  periodical  naval  expeditions  every  season 
against  the  Turks,  and  have  even  advanced  within 
two  leagues  of  Constantinople.  Their  rendezvous 
was  in  the  islands  of  the  Dnieper ;  and  when  winter 
approached,  they  returned  to  their  homes.  They 
generally  mustered  5000  or  6000  men ;  their  boats 
were  sixty  feet  long,  with  ten  or  twelve  oars  on  each 
side,  but  this  must  be  understood  only  of  their  war- 
boats. 

The  other  author  whom  we  shall  quote  was  one 
who  lived  at  that  period,  and  frequently  had  the  com- 
mand of  the  Cossack  troops,  no  less  than  the  father 
of  the  famous  Sobieski.  Even  then,  it  seems,  they 
were  the  subject  of  curiosity  and  fable. J  "  I  will 
describe,"  says  he,  "  their  origin,  manners,  and  cus- 

*  The  editor  of  the  Tableau  de  la  Pologne  seems  to  imagine  he  is  the 
first  who  has  noticed  Chevalier's  work ;  in  this,  however,  he  is  mis- 
taken, for  the  author  of  that  heterogeneous  compilation,  The  History  of 
Poland,  vol.  xxxiv.  of  the  Universal  History,  quotes  it,  or  rather  mis- 
quotes it.— See  Tableau  de  la  Pologne,  Chodzko's  edition,  vol.  i.  p.  464, 
and  Univ.  Hist.  vol.  xxxiv.  p.  155.  Chevalier's  book  was  published  at 
Paris  in  1663. 

t  Other  interpretations  are  given  by  some  authors,  but  seemingly  far- 
fetched. 

t  One  of  his  expressions  is,  quandoquidem  hactemis  longe  latZqu* 
ver  varias  gentes  fa-mam  eorum  pervagari  cognoscamus 


POLISH    COSSACKS.  65 

toms,  which  I  am  acquainted  with  by  hearsay,  and 
have  myself  witnessed.  They  are  chiefly  of  Rus- 
sian origin,  though  many  criminal  refugees  from 
Poland,  Germany,  &c.  are  to  be  found  among  them. 
They  profess  the  religion  of  the  Greek  Church. — 
They  have  fixed  their  residence  in  those  naturally 
fortified  places  which  are  watered  by  the  Dniester. — 
Their  business  is  war,  and  when  they  are  shut  up,  as 
it  were,  in  their  nest  (tanquam  nidulo  aliquo  qffixi), 
they  consider  it  illegal  to  neglect  athletic  sports  for 
any  other  pursuits.  They  live  sparingly,  by  hunting 
and  fishing. — They  support  their  wives  and  fami- 
lies with  plunder.*  They  are  governed  by  a  praefect 
(hetman),  whose  sceptre  is  a  reed,  and  who  is  chosen 
by  acclamation  in  a  tumultuous  manner. — He  has 
absolute  power  of  life  and  death.  He  has  four 
town  counsellors. — The  Poles  have  given  them  the 
Trychtymirow,  in  Kiovia. — Long  habit  has  fitted 
them  for  maritime  warfare.  They  use  boats,  on 
the  sides  of  which  they  can  occasionally  fasten  flat 
bundles  of  reeds,  to  buoy  them  up,  and  resist  the 
violence  of  the  waves  and  winds.  With  these  boats 
they  sail  with  great  rapidity,  and  very  often  take  the 
laden  Turkish  vessels.  Not  many  of  them  use 
lances  (frameis),  but  they  are  all  furnished  with 
arquebuses  (sclopetis)  ;f  and  in  this  kind  of  warfare 
the  kings  of  Poland  can  match  the  infantry  of  all  the 
monarchs  in  the  world.  They  fortify  their  camps 
with  wagons  ranged  in  several  rows ;  this  they  call 
tabor,  and  make  them  their  last  refuge  from  an 
overbearing  enemy.  The  Poles  were  obliged  to  fur- 
nish them  with  arms,  provisions,  and  forage  for 

*Parta  toties  pr<cda  locupletati,  rei  tantum  economicse  cum  uxoribus 
et  Hberis  operam  navant.— P.  1 12.  Comment.  Chotin.  Be.ll.  How  different 
is  this  from  Voltaire's  account,  "  Us  ne  souffrent  point  de  femrnes  chez 
eux,  mais  ils  vont  enlever  tous>  les  enfants  ill  vingt  et  trente  lieues  A  la 
ronde,  &c."— Hist,  of  diaries  XII.  book  4. 

t  This,  it  must  be  remembered,  was  in  the  time  of  James  Sobieski,  aftar 
Bator y  had  disciplined  them. 

F2 


66  HISTORY    OF   POT. AND, 

their  horses."*  Such  were  the  men  whom  Batory 
enlisted  in  the  Polish  service.  In  the  year  1576  he 
divided  them  into  six  regiments,  and  appointed  supe- 
rior and  subordinate  officers  over  them.  "They 
were  then  only  infantry,"  says  Chevalier,  "but 
Batory  joined  to  them  2000  horse,  and  in  a  short 
time  they  consisted  chiefly  of  cavalry."  Their  chief 
was  called  hetman,  or  attaman ;  and  the  king  pre- 
sented him  with  the  following  articles  as  ensigns  of 
authority, — a  flag,  a  horse-tail,  a  staff,  and  a  mirror. 
Rozynski  was  their  first  hetman  appointed  by  Batory. 

It  is  said  that  the  king  had  formed  the  design  of 
extending  the  regal  authority,  but  death  frustrated 
it  in  1586.  Few  monarchs  are  more  respected  by 
the  Poles  than  the  one  whom  we  have  just  described ; 
and,  compared  with  many  of  the  Polish  sovereigns, 
he  certainly  deserved  the  title  conferred  on  him, 
"  In  republic^  plus  qudm  re.r." 

Violent  factions,  in  consequence  of  this  event,  were 
formed  at  the  diet  of  election,  and  both  Maximilian 
of  Austria,  and  Sigismund,  Prince  of  Sweden,  were 
next  elected  to  the  throne.  Sigismund's  party  pre- 
vailed, and  took  Maximilian  prisoner,  A.  D.  1587. 
The  successful  competitor  did  not  make  an  un- 
generous use  of  his  advantage,  but  liberated  him, 
and  rejected  the  offered  ransom,  saying,  "I  will  not 
add  insult  to  misfortune.  I  shall  give  Maximilian 
his  liberty,  and  not  oblige  him  to  buy  it."f 

*  Commentariorum  Chotinensis  Belli  Libri  Tres,  Auctore  Jacobo 
Sobieski.  Dantisci,  1646.  We  had  almost  claimed  the  credit  of  being 
the  first  to  make  known  these  accounts  of  the  Cossacks,  and  expose  the 
fabulous  stories  about  them,  when  we  perceived  that  Salvandy  had  been 
before  us  in  quoting  Sobieski's  book,  and  he  particularly  scouts  Voltaire's 
fables.  We  must  take  the  liberty  of  noticing  one  little  mistranslation 
and  anachronism.  The  Cossacks'  "sclopeta*  were  not  "  pistolet s."— 
Salvandifs  Hist,  de  Pologne  avant  et  sous  le  Roi  Jean  Sobieski.  1829. 
Vol.  i.  p.  205. 

t  Ciampi  has  published  at  Florence  a  Latin  manuscript  on  the  struggle 
between  Maximilian  and  Sigismund.  It  is  aScairorog  ;  but  the  editor 
attributes  it  to  John  Michael  Bruto,  the  Venetian,  who  was  engaged  by 
Batory  to  write  a  history  of  Poland  The  narrative  unfortunately  break* 
off  at  the  captivity  of  Maximilian 


SIUISMUND    LOSES    SWEDEN.  67 

Sigismund's  family_was  ..related  to  the  Jagellons 
HI  the  fe'male  side,  which  reconciled  the  Poles  to  his 
•iccessibn.  His  reign  commenced  with  war;  for  the 
Turks,  continually  harassed  by  the  Cossacks,  and 
not  being  able  to  revenge  themselves  on  that  vagrant 
people  any  more  than  if  they  were  an  annoying 
swarm  of  locusts,  called  the  Poles  to  account  for 
the  actions  of  their  dependants.  After  considerable 
slaughter,  which  was  interesting  only  to  the  victors 
and  the  victims,  and  of  no  service  but  to  rid  the 
Ukraine  of  a  few  thousand  cut-throat  robbers, 
peace  was  effected  by  the  intervention  of  an  English 
ambassador. 

Sigismund's  father  dying  about  this  time,  the 
Swedish  crown  was  bequeathed  to  the  Polish  king; 
but  the  Swedes,  who  had  adopted  the  reformed 
religion  of  Luther  ever  since  the  time  of  Gustavus, 
were  apprehensive  of  the  government  of  a  Roman 
Catholic,  as  Sigismund  was,  and  as  he  was  obliged 
to  declare  himself  before  he  could  ascend  the  Polish 
throne.  Nor  were  their  fears  groundless,  for  his 
very  first  acts  were  a  bad  omen  for  the  Protestant 
religion.*  He  was  accompanied  by  a  popish  legate, 
by  whose  advice  he  demanded  that  there  should  be 
a  Roman  Catholic  chapel  in  every  town,  and  ex* 
pressed  his  determination  to  be  crowned  by  the  pope's 
deputy.  This  was  borne  with  impatience ;  but  when 
the  king  attempted  to  enforce  his  will  with  Polish 
troops,  the  murmur  of  discontent  was  raised  to  the 
shout  of  rebellion,  and  all  the  attempts  of  the  bigot 
king  to  trample  down  the  Swedes  to  obedience  were 
of  no  avail. 

Sigismund's  attention  was  now  directed  to  the 
singular  events  which  occurred  at  this  time  in 
Russia;  and  he  furnished  Demetrius,  a  young 
claimant  of  the  czarship,  with  assistance  to  obtain 
his  pretended  rights.  The  story  of  this  impostor 

*  I  uffendorf. 


C8  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

(for  such  he  seems  to  be  now  generally  confessed) 
forms  another  chapter  for  the  Romance  of  History. 
The  czar,  John  IT.  of  Russia,  left  at  his  death  a  son, 
Demetrius,  only  nine  years  old,  and  another  of  the 
name  of  ^Theodore,  twenty.  The  latter  succeeded 
his  father,  and  Demetrius  was  intrusted  to  the  care 
of  his  mother,  who  devoted  herself  to  his  education 
in  the  retired  castle  of  Uglitz.  Theodore  married 
the  sister  of  Boris,  one  of  his  chief  officers,  whom 
he  loaded  with  favours.  The  ingrate's  ambition 
was  only  sharpened  by  his  exaltation,  and  on  the 
death  of  his  master  there  would  be  no  obstacle  to 
his  ascent  to  the  throne  but  Demetrius.  This  was 
soon  removed ;  there  was  no  difficulty  in  finding 

"  A  fellow  by  the  hand  of  nature  marked, 
Quoted  and  signed  to  do  a  deed  of  shame ;" 

and  the  youth  disappeared.  Boris  at  length  obtained 
the  crown,  but  found  it  a  crown  of  thorns.  The 
dreadful  visions  which  "  murder  the  curtained  sleep" 
of  guilt  haunted  the  royal  assassin,  and  something 
more  than  a  phantom  "  shouted  in  his  ear"  Deme- 
trius !  The  king  was  told  that  he  was  still  alive,  and 
that  another  child  had  been  the  victim  of  his  am- 
bition. A  Demetrius  was  at  this  time  in  Poland,  and 
he  armed  against  Boris  enemies  more  powerful  over 
a  villain  than  remorse  of  conscience.  This  young 
man  merely  repeated  the  comedy,  or  rather  tragedy, 
of  errors  which  was  played  by  the  slave  Clemens  in 
the  time  of  Tiberius,*  and  by  Perkin  Warbeck  in 
the  reign  of  Henry  VII.  It  seems  that  he  was 
originally  a  monk  of  the  same  age  that  his  prototype 
would  have  been ;  and,  as  the  story  runs,  he  also 
resembled  him  in  two  singular  particulars, — one  arm 
shorter  than  the  other,  and  a  wart  on  his  cheek 
This  coincidence  probably  first  urged  him  to  com- 
mence the  imposture,  and  the  unsettled  state  of 

*  The  description  of  this  singular  imposture  is  given  in  Tacitus, 
Ann.  lib,  ii.  cap,  39  and  40. 


THE    RUSSIAN    DEMETRIUS.  C9 

Russia  and  the  difficulty  of  being  detected  might 
have  encouraged  him  in  the  design.  He  in  course 
of  time  took  refuge  with  Mniszech,  palatine  of  San- 
domir  in  Poland,  who  was  a  designing,  bad  char- 
acter, and  promised  him  assistance  provided  he  would 
tolerate  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  in  Russia,  and 
marry  his  daughter  Mariana.  Sigismund  could  not 
openly  advocate  the  cause  of  the  impostor,  but 
allowed  his  nobles  to  do  so ;  and  by  their  aid  Deme- 
trius was  seated  on  the  Russian  throne.  His  reign 
did  not  last  long,  for  the  Russians  rebelled  and 
murdered  him  with  a  great  number  of  his  Polish 
adherents.  But  the  soul  of  Demetrius  had  a  second 
and  even  a  third*  metempsychosis ;  and  the  last 
impostor  was  equally  defended  and  patronised  by  the 
Poles  as  the  first.  Mariana  received  him  as  a  resti- 
tution from  the  grave,f  and  Mniszech  as  another 
stepping-stone  to  power  to  supply  the  place  of  the 
former.  Sigismund,  urged  on  by  the  Jesuits,  who 
were  now  in  his  full  confidence,  and  further  stimu- 
lated by  the  ambition  of  conquering  Russia,  invaded 
that  country,  pretending  that  he  came  as  an  avenger 
of  his  murdered  subjects.  Zolkiewski,J  who,  as  his 
kinsman  writes,  was  made  both  chancellor  and 
grand-general  (06  sua  insigniain  rempublicam  menVa), 
commanded  the  troops,  and  entering  Moscow,  took 
prisoner  Basil  Schouisky,  the  new  czar,  and  his 
brother.  The  king's  son,  Wladislas,  was  set  on  the 
throne,  and  thus  Poland  was  once  the  disposer  of 
that  crown  which  is  now  worn  by  its  despot.  He 
was,  however,  soon  deposed,  and  Sigismund  did  not 
attempt  to  reinstate  him.  Zolkiewski  had  the  honour 
of  entering  Warsaw  with  a  Russian  czar  in  his  train, 

*  This  farce  was  acted  even  the  fourth  time. 

t  This  circumstance  exposes  more  than  any  thing  else  the  deception 
of  the  Mniszech  family.  Ciampi,  to  whom  we  have  before  alluded,  has 
published  an  "  Esame  Critico,"  with  unedited  documents  concerning  the 
history  of  Demetrius,  but  as  our  limits  do  not  allow  any  digressions,  we 
must  leave  the  reader  to  form  his  own  opinion  on  its  merits. 

I  The  maternal  great-grandfather  of  John  Sobieski. 


70  •  HISTORY    OF  POLAND. 

and  leaving  monuments  of  his  victories,  which  have 
been  the  objects  of  the  petty  spite  of  Peter  the  Great 
and  Catharine.* 

Sigismund  had  not  abandoned  his  plan  of  regain- 
ing the  crown  of  Sweden,  and  with  this  view  he 
joined  with  Ferdinand,  the  Emperor  of  Germany, 
and  assisted  him  against  the  voyvode  of  Transyl- 
vania, who  opposed  him.  The  Transylvanian  was 
in  alliance  with  the  sultan,  and  urged  him  to  make 
a  diversion  on  the  side  of  Moldavia,  which  at  that 
time  was  under  the  power  of  the  Turks.  The  Pala- 
tine of  Moldavia  had  invited  the  Poles  to  his  assist- 
ance, and  accordingly  the  famous  Zolkiewski,  the 
conqueror  of  Russia,  marched  into  that  country  with 
8000  regular  troops,  and  irregular  forces  of  Cossacks 
and  Moldavian  refugees  amounting  to  about  20,000. 
The  Turkish  army  was  chiefly  composed  of  Tartars, 
and  numbered  nearly  70,000.  Zolkiewski,  notwith- 
standing the  disparity  of  forces,  obliged  the  Tartars 
to  give  way;  but  being  almost  abandoned  by  his 
auxiliaries,  and  his  little  band  being  reduced  to  little 
better  than  5000,  he  was  obliged  to  retreat.  Like  all 
experienced  generals,  Zolkiewski  could  play  the 
losing  as  well  as  the  winning  game ;  and  an  eight 
days'  march  in  the  face  of  a  numerous  army,  used 
to  irregular  warfare,  must  have  required  some  tactics 

*  In  the  chapel  at  Warsaw,  formerly  belonging  to  the  Dominicans, 
were  deposited  the  remains  of  these  illustrious  captives.  The  ashes 
were  given  up  to  the  Russians  at  the  peace  of  1634,  but  the  monument 
still  remained.  In  the  reign  of  Stanislaus  Augustus,  Catharine  ordered 
her  ambassador  Repnin  to  break  the  marble  tablet  bearing  the  invidious 
inscription  following : 

Jesu  Christi  Dei  Filii 

Regis  regum  Dei  exercituum  gloriae, 

Sigismundus  III.,  rex  Poloniae  et  Suecise, 

Exercitu  Moschovitico  ad  Clusinum  caeso,  Moscovise  Metropoli  deditione 
accepta,  Smolensco  Reipublicae  restitute. 

Basileo  Szuyscio  magno  duci  Moscoviae,  et  fratri  ejus  Demetrio  militia 
prsefecto,  captivis  jure  belli  receptis,  et  in  arce  Gostinensi  sub  custodia 
habitis,  ibique  vita  functis,  &c. 

In  the  Chateau  Royal  of  Warsaw  there  was  a  painting  representing 
the  captivity  of  the  same  persons,  which  Peter  caused  to  be  destroyed  hi 
the  time  of  Augustus  II. 


ZOLKIEWSKI GUSTAVUS  ADOLPHUS.     71 

and  management.  Historians  compare  this  retro 
vmcle  movement  to  "  the  Retreat  of  the  Ten  Thou- 
sand ;"  and  no  doubt  the  Polish  grand-general,  if  he 
had  boasted  a  Greek  tongue  and  a  Greek  sword 
would  have  made  as  wonderful  a  narrative  as  Xeno- 
uhon.  But  Zolkiewski  was  to  suffer  a  different  fate ; 
for  when  the  troops  had  reached  the  Dniester,  they 
were  panicstruck  at  the  sight  of  the  enemy,  and 
fled  in  disorder.  "  Zolkiewski,"  says  the  Polish 
historian,*  "  like  Paulus  jEmilius,  disdained  to  sur- 
vive his  defeat,  and  with  the  same  valour  which  had 
marked  his  life  he  fell  fighting  for  his  country,  and 
covered  with  wounds,  on  the  banks  of  the  Dniester, 
near  the  town  of  Mohilow."  His  son  was  taken 
prisoner,  but  both  bodies  were  redeemed  and  buried 
in  the  same  grave,  with  this  inscription : 

Exoriare  aliquis  nostris  ex  ossibus  ultor. 

This  voice  from  the  tomb  urged  their  descendant 
Sobieski  to  exact  retribution  from  the  Turks.f 

This  was  only  the  signal  for  fresh  war :  the  sultan 
now  headed  his  troops  in  person,  but  was  eventually 
obliged  to  make  peace.J 

While  the  Poles  were  thus  engaged  in  the  south, 
the  Swedes  were  making  inroads  in  the  north. 
Sigismund  had  not  quietly  given  up  the  crown  of 
Sweden ;  but  although  his  exertions  were  fruitless,  he 
still  cherished  the  hope  of  recovering  it.  The  Polish 
king  found  an  opponent  in  Gustavus  Adolphus,  who 
was  now  on  the  throne,  and  who  withstood,  not 
merely  the  Poles,  but  almost  all  continental  Europe, 
at  least  the  Catholic  part.  Livonia,  the  point  of 
junction  between  the  two  kingdoms,  was  the  seat 
of  war.  After  some  trifling  struggles,  Gustavus 
took  the  field  in  1626,  and  laid  siege  to  Riga.  This 

*  James  Sobieski. 
t  Coyer,  Vie  de  Sobieski. 

}  The  particulars  of  this  war  arc  recorded  by  James  Sobieski  in  tho 
work  before  <juoted. 


72  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

town  surrendered  in  six  weeks,  and  the  Swedish  king 
drove  out  the  Jesuits,  who  were  its  perpetual  tor- 
mentors. But  Sigismund  was  too  stubborn  to  be 
taught  the  inutility  of  resisting  the  great  Gustavus  ; 
he  would  not  see  in  him  any  thing  but  a  young  hot- 
headed competitor,  and  not  the  determined  cham- 
pion of  the  "  Thirty  Years'  War."  Battle  lost  after 
battle  increased  the  demands  of  the  Swedes,  and 
lessened  the  power  of  the  Poles.  The  Polish  king  was 
also  the  dupe  of  the  courts  of  Vienna  and  Madrid,whose 
interest  it  was  to  make  him  divert  Gustavus  from  the 
rest  of  Europe,  and  in  consequence  they  promised  to 
assist  him  with  money  and  troops.  These  promises 
were  never  kept,  and  Sigismund  continued  obsti- 
nately to  gnaw  the  file.  The  city  of  Dantzig,  how- 
ever, defended  itself  very  vigorously ;  the  Swedish 
admiral  was  killed,  and  Gustavus  obliged  to  raise 
the  siege.  But  the  continued  run  of  ill-fortune  at 
length  opened  the  eyes  of  the  Poles  to  their  own 
folly  and  the  treachery  of  their  pretended  allies ; 
and  Sigismund  was  happy  to  make  peace  for  six 
years,  by  which  he  resigned  Livonia  and  part  of 
Prussia,  in  1629. 

Sigismund  terminated  this  reign  of  trouble  in  1632. 
Ever  the  dupe  of  the  Jesuits,  who  were  in  his  per- 
fect confidence,  he  lost  one  kingdom  and  weakened 
another  which  was  so  unfortunate  as  to  continue 
under  his  power.  Poland,  the  land  of  toleration, 
was  now  the  scene  of  religious  contest,  and  the 
Protestants  were  deprived  of  all  places  of  trust  and 
power.  General  dissatisfaction  resulted,  and  the 
nobles  had  formed  a  confederation  against  their  king 
in  1607 ;  but  not  being  very  resolute,  they  failed  in 
carrying  their  point.  In  1609  these  confederations 
were  authorized  by  law.  The  spirit  of  contention, 
however,  still  continued  to  divide  house  against 
house,  and  the  father  against  his  son ;  intolerance 
added  to  the  serf's  chains,  and  put  an  embargo  on 
commerce.  Such  were  the  effects  for  which  Poland 


REVOLT    OF    THE    COSSACKS.  73 

was  indebted  to  Sigismund  III.  He  not  only  com- 
mitted actual  injury,  but  sowed  fresh  seeds  by  in- 
trusting- great  power  to  the  Jesuits.  "  He  had,  in 
short,"  says  a  French  writer,  "  two  faults,;  which 
generally  occasion  great  misfortunes, — he  was  very 
silly,  and  very  obstinate." 

Some  time  after  the  accession  of  Wladislas  VII., 
son  of  Sigismund,  to  the  throne,  died  Gustavus 
Adolphus,  which  event  enabled  the  Poles  to  oblige 
the  Swedes  to  resign  their  conquests,  and  make  a 
firmer  peace  in  1635,  at  Stumsdorf.  Had  all  the 
acts  of  the  new  king  been  dictated  by  the  same  good 
policy,  Poland  would  have  been  saved  much  loss  of 
strength  and  influence. 

The  Polish  nobles  were  jealous  of  the  independ- 
ence of  the  Cossacks,  so  different  from  the  state  of 
their  own  serfs;  the  Jesuits  could  not  bear  to  tolerate 
them  in  their  adherence  to  the  doctrines  of  the  Greek 
church,  and  longed  to  make  them  Catholics;  the 
king,  perhaps,  was  swayed  by  both  reasons  ;  so  that 
the  sovereign,  nobles,  and  Jesuits  all  united  to  prune 
the  almost  lawless  freedom  of  that  wild  but  useful 
tribe,  and  from  this  time  may  be  dated  their  aliena- 
tion from  the  Polish  interest.  Wladislas  ordered 
forts  to  be  erected  in  the  Ukraine  to  awe  them ;  and 
the  Cossacks  armed  in  defence  of  their  right,  but 
were  defeated.  In  defiance  of  treaties,  the  Poles 
villanously  butchered  their  hetman  and  many  other 
prisoners.  A  compact  made  after  this,  binding  the 
victors  to  withdraw  their  troops  and  restore  the 
Cossacks  to  their  full  liberty,  was  as  soon  broken ; 
the  diet  ordered  the  number  of  forces  in  the  Ukraine 
to  be  increased,  and  that  they  should  be  reduced  to 
the  same  state  of  subjection  as  the  serfs.  The 
Polish  nobles  seemed  to  imagine  that  oaths  and  en- 
gagements were  not  binding  with  uncivilized  people ; 
for  they  committed  all  kinds  of  outrages  on  them, 
both  personal  and  general :  at  length  an  act  of  intol- 
erable injustice  drove  the  Cossacks  again  to  rebel 
G 


74  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

and  they  were  obtaining  many  advantages  when 
death  carried  off  their  tyrant,  Wladislas,  in  1648. 

But  the  former  bigot  was  succeeded  by  another : 
John  Casimir,  younger  brother  of  the  late  king,  was 
called  to  occupy  the  throne  just  vacated.  Casimir 
was  a  Jesuit  by  principle,  education,  and  character ; 
and  the  pope  gave  him  a  cardinal's  hat,  to  free  him 
from  his  religious  ties  that  he  might  assume  the  crown. 

Under  this  king  the  Cossacks  were  as  badly  treated 
as  under  his  predecessor.  The  Polish  nobles  con- 
tinued to  oppress  them,  and  Casimir  connived  at 
the  injustice  ;  at  length,  however,  a  notorious  act  of 
villany  roused  them  to  revolt.  Chmielnicki,  a  man 
of  some  influence  in  the  Ukraine,  was  deprived  of 
a  small  tract  of  land  by  the  Polish  governor ;  and 
resenting  the  oppression,  asserted  his  right,  and 
taunted  that  officer  as  a  tyrannical  upstart.  The 
governor,  incensed  at  his  resistance,  imitated  the 
violence  of  the  other  Polish  nobles,  carried  off 
Chmielnicki's  wife,  and  set  fire  to  his  house,  in  which 
his  infant  child  perished.  Chmielnicki  drew  his 
sword  to  revenge  his  wife's  dishonour  and  his  child's 
death,  and  joined  the  rebel  Cossacks,  who  made  him 
their  leader.  It  was  about  this  time  that  Casimir 
came  to  the  throne,  and  feeling  that  the  Cossacks 
were  the  aggrieved  party,  he  refused  to  prosecute 
the  war,  but  endeavoured  to  conciliate  them  by 
writing  to  the  hetman  and  confirming  him  in  his 
office.  The  Cossack  chief  withdrew  his  forces,  and 
negotiations  were  in  progress ;  but  the  nobles,  con- 
federating at  the  instigation  of  the  aristocrats,  put 
an  end  to  these  pacific  measures  with  the  sword. 
The  Cossacks  taught  the  Poles  that  they  could  de- 
fend their  own  liberty  as  well  as  that  of  their  former 
allies  and  present  oppressors.  The  rebel  forces  left 
behind  them  a  wake  of  blood  and  devastation.  They 
advanced  into  Poland,  and  even  invested  the  king  in 
his  camp  at  Zborow.  The  Cossacks  were  credu- 
lous ;  and  believing  a  people  who  had  deceived  them 


WAR    WITH    THE    COSSACKS.  75 

so  often,  consented  to  negotiate.  It  was  then  agreed, 
in  1649,  that  they  should  have  the  free  use  of  their 
privileges  and  religion.* 

This  treaty  did  not  satisfy  the  nobles,  who  were 
both  foiled  in  their  undertaking  and  humiliated  by 
their  defeat ;  they  therefore  determined  to  pay  no 
more  attention  to  it  than  the  preceding  agreements. 
Before  the  end  of  the  year,  the  diet  announced  its 
intention  of  reducing  the  Cossacks  to  obedience. 
Casimir  made  the  expedition  quite  a  crusade,  and 
received  a  sacred  helmet  and  sword  from  Pope  In- 
nocent X.  His  preparations  were  on  as  great  a 
scale  as  if  he  designed  the  subjugation  of  a  powerful 
nation,  instead  of  a  few  thousand  rebels,  as  they  de- 
nominated the  Cossacks ;  besides  an  army  of  100,000 
nobles,  he  assembled  a  body  of  50,000  of  the  foreign 
troops  who  had  fought  in  the  thirty  years'  war.  The 
hetman,  not  terrified  at  this  gigantic  armament,  allied 
himself  with  the  cham  of  the  Tartars,  and  encoun- 
tered the  Poles.  Victory  declared  in  favour  of  the 
oppressors,  and  the  Cossacks  were  dispersed ;  but 
the  hetman  had  yet  sufficient  resources  to  obtain  a 
peace  in  1651.  Submission  to  despotism  is  a  dis- 
tasteful lot,  and  happily  cannot,  under  any  circum- 
stances, be  made  a  duty  by  the  strictest  treaties  or 
vows,  according  to  the  well-known  principle  of 
moral  philosophy,  that  improper  promises  are  not 
binding ;  so  thought  the  Cossacks  without  the  aid 
of  a  system  of  ethics,  and  submitted  to  the  Rus- 
sians in  1654.  Alexis  was  then  czar :  he  gladly  re- 
ceived his  new  subjects  ;  and  assigning,  as  a  pretext 
for  war,  an  omission  which  the  Poles  had  made  in 
one  of  his  titles,  marched  two  armies  into  Poland, 
one  towards  Smolensko,  and  the  other  towards  Kiow. 

While  the  Russians  were  ravaging  the  east,  an- 
other and  no  less  formidable  enemy  was  arming  on 

*  The  history  of  this  war  is  given  by  Chevalier  m  the  work  before 
quoted. 


76  HISTORY   OF   POLAND, 

'  vhe  north.  Casimir,  who  sunk  beneath  the  burden 
of  one  crown,  would  not  resign  the  family  preten- 
sions to  another, — that  of  Sweden;  and  when  Chris- 
tina, abdicating  about  this  time,  appointed  her  cousin, 
Charles  Gustavus,  her  heir,  he  protested  vehemently 
against  the  succession.  Charles  Gustavus  armed  in 
defence  of  his  right ;  and  perceiving  that  in  one  of 
the  letters  from  Casimir,  only  two  et  ceteras  were 
used  after  his  titles,  instead  of  three,  made  it  a  pre- 
text for  declaring  war.  It  is  supposed  that  he  was 
also  instigated  by  the  Polish  vice-chancellor,  whose 
wife  the  cardinal-king,  Casimir,  had  seduced ;  and 
who  was  afterward  banished,  and  took  refuge  at 
Stockholm.  Charles  Gustavus  marched  into  Poland 
with  60,000  troops ;  discontent  and  revolt  increased 
their  number  with  Poles,  and  the  Swede  entered 
Warsaw.  The  contemptible  John  Casimir  fled  to 
Silesia,  and  Charles  Gustavus  was  master  of  Po- 
land. But  the  nobles  were  soon  disgusted  with 
their  new  tyrant;  and  in  1656  they  confederated  in 
Gallicia,  and  Casimir  joined  the  confederacy.  For- 
tune smiled  still  more  favourably:  Alexis,  jealous  of 
the  growing  power  of  Sweden,  withdrew  his  troops ; 
and  even  the  hetman,  who  had  received  an  envoy 
from  Casimir,  was  satiated  with  revenge,  and  retired 
to  the  Ukraine.  Charles  was  obliged  to  retrace  his 
steps,  and  Casimir  reached  Warsaw  again.  It  is  pre- 
tended that  Charles  Gustavus  now  proposed  a  par- 
tition of  Poland  between  Prussia  and  Austria;  but, 
fortunately  for  the  kingdom,  the  czar  declared  war 
against  Sweden,  and  diverted  the  conqueror  from  his 
design.  The  Elector  of  Brandeburg  concluded  a 
treaty  of  peace  at  Wehlau  on  the  19th  of  September, 
1657,  satisfied  with  obtaining  the  independence  of 
Ducal  Prussia.  Austria  offered  assistance  now  the 
danger  was  over ;  and  the  treaty  of  Oliva  was  con- 
cluded on  the  3d  of  May,  1660,  between  Poland, 
Prussia,  and  Sweden.  Casimir  resigned  all  preten- 
sions to  the  Swedish  crown,  and  ceded  Livonia  to 


TREATY   OF    OLIVA.  77 

Sweden.  It  must  not  be  forgotten,  that  the  et  ceteras 
of  the  King  of  Sweden's  title  were  arranged  to  his 
satisfaction  in  one  of  the  articles  of  this  treaty.  Part 
of  the  third  article  runs,  "  Dictis  vero  titulis  et  insig- 
nibus  non  utentur  ad  serenissimos  reges  regnumque 
Sueciae  in  literis  aliisve  diplomatibus  aut  scriptis,  sed 
observabitur  ab  utrinque  receptus  hactenus  modus 
abbreviandorum  titulorum  cum  et  caeterationibus,  ita 
ut  post  verba  Magnus  Dux  Lithuania  tres  et  caetera- 
tiones  in  titulo  serenissimi  moderni  Regis  Polomas  et 
vicissim  post  verba  Magnus  Princeps  Finlandiae,  tres 
et  caeterationes  in  titulo  serenissimi  Regis  Sueciae 
adficiantur." 

Thus  was  Casimir  freed  from  this  terrible  coalition 
which  had  threatened  to  forestall  the  fate  of  his  un- 
fortunate kingdom.*  But  even  before  the  treaty  of 
Oliva  was  concluded,  the  Poles,  instead  of  conciliat- 
ing all  parties,  passed  a  decree  in  the  diet  against 

*  Rulhtere  tells  us  that  a  Swedish  ambassador  was  employed  to  pro- 
pose secretly  a  treaty  between  Austria,  Sweden,  and  Prussia,  to  divide 
Poland  between  them.  "  I  have  discovered,"  says  he,  "this  important, 
and  till  now  unknown  circumstance,  in  the  archives  of  foreign  affairs  in 
France."  He  does  not,  however,  give  his  authorities ;  and  the  following 
extracts  from  the  French  ambassador's  despatches  expose  a  rather  dif- 
ferent combination  of  circumstances. 

"They  (the  Poles)  wish  to  get  rid  of  the  aid  of  Austria,  which  gives 
them  much  more  trouble  than  advantage.  They  know  that  the  emperor 
and  the  Elector  of  Brandeburg  wish  for  a  continuation  of  the  war,  with, 
the  view  that  Poland  must  necessarily  fall  into  their  hands,"  since 
Charles  Gustavus  would  be  engaged  in  opposing  Russia. 

"  From  the  camp  before  Thorn, 
"  2  Nov.  1658." 

"  The  Austrian  ministers  will  take  every  opportunity  to  throw  new 
difficulties  in  the  way  of  the  treaty,  and  the  Russians  to  break  that  which 
they  made  at  Wilna,  and  to  ally  themselves  with  the  Swedes.  What 
gives  the  Poles  the  more  apprehension  is,  the  information  they  have 
received  that  the  czar  has  a  treaty  in  hand  with  Sweden. — The  house  of 
Austria,  which  advises  this  nomination  (the  succession  of  the  czar  to  the 
Polish  throne)  which  it  would  not  wish  to  take  place,  flatters  itself  with 
the  hope  of  then  seeing  the  Poles  obliged  to  submit  to  it  for  protection 
against  the  grand-duke,  or  that  he  will  be  reduced  to  the  necessity  of 
sharing  the  kingdom  with  her,  and  will  be  contented  with  a  part,  not 
being  able  to  have  the  whole. 

"  From  the  camp  before  Thorn, 
"  26  Oct.  1658." 

From  the  despatches  of  De  Lumbres,  the  French  ambassador  to  Po- 
land ;  among  the  Harleian  Manuscripts. 
G2 


78  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

the  Arians,  most  of  whom  had  sided  with  Sweden, 
and  persecuted  them  with  confiscation,  exile,  and 
death.  Another  rupture  also  broke  out  with  the 
Cossacks ;  the  haughty  nobles  infringed  on  the  treaty 
they  had  made  with  them  in  1658,  and  the  Ukraine 
again  submitted  to  Russia.  "  Since  then,"  sa^s  Sal- 
vandy,  "  Warsaw  has  seen  them  keeping  guard  at  the 
gates  of  her  palace." 

The  Poles  kept  the  Russians  at  bay,  and  the  famous 
John  Sobieski  distinguished  himself  in  these  cam- 
paigns ;  but  they  were  obliged  to  make  peace  in  1667. 
By  the  treaty,  Severia  and  the  Ukraine,  on  the  east 
of  the  Dnieper,-  were  ceded  to  Russia ;  the  Cossacks 
(Zaporierises)  were  to  be  under  the  joint  dominion  of 
both  states,  ready  to  serve  against  the  Turks  when 
required,  and  were  to  have  the  free  exercise  of  their 
religion. 

This  reign  was  as  unfortunate  in  its  internal  policy 
as  in  its  foreign  relations.  The  king  was  entirely  at 
the  mercy  of  his  queen,  his  mistresses,  and  the  Jesuits. 
Many  of  the  nobles,  during  the  Swedish  invasion, 
had  urged  the  necessity  of  choosing  a  successor  to 
the  throne  who  might  be  able  to  fight  their  cause ; 
and  many  went  so  far  as  to  wish  the  monarchy  to 
become  hereditary.*  The  emperor  was  proposed  by 
many;  but  the  queen,  Maria  Louisa,  exerted  herself 
to  ensure  the  succession  to  the  French  prince  Conde, 
and  in  the  diet  of  1661  the  king  himself  made  the  pro- 
posal. This  unconstitutional  proceeding  produced 
great  murmurs  among  the  nobles ;  the  diet  was  dis- 
solved; and  the  seeds  of  serious  revolt  were  thus 

*  "  I  have  seen  some  of  the  Polish  ministers,  who  have  stated,  that  if 
the  war  continues  with  Sweden,  &c.,  they  shall  be  obliged  to  elect  a 
successor  who  will  be  capable  cf  re-establishing  their  affairs,  and  they 
see  none  who  is  more  able  to  do  so  than  the  Archduke  Leopold. — Besides, 
the  vice-chancellor,  who  follows  this  party,  did  not  hesitate  to  say  that 
the  liberty  of  the  Poles  was  prejudicial  to  them,  and  that  it  was  desirable 
they  should  have  an  hereditary  king."— De  Lumbres,  21  Feb.  1657,  MS. 
Despatches. 


CASIMIR    ABDICATES.  79 

sown  which  harassed  Casimir  during  the  rest  of  his 
reign.* 

Casimir,  worn  out  by  these  and  other  troubles, 
took  the  resolution  of  resigning  the  sceptre  which  he 
could  not  wield,  and  resuming  his  religious  habit. 
He  had  been  told  in  the  diet  "  that  the  calamities  of 
Poland  could  not  end  but  with  his  reign;"  and  he 
addressed  that  diet  in  the  following  words : — 

"  PEOPLE  OF  POLAND, 

"  It  is  now  two  hundred  and  eighty  years  that  you 
have,  been  governed  by  my  family.  The  reign  of  my 
ancestors  is  past,  and  mine  is  going  to  expire.  Fa- 
tigued by  the  labours  of  war,  the  cares  of  the  cabinet, 
and  the  weight  of  age  ;  oppressed  with  the  burdens 
and  solicitudes  of  a  reign  of  more  than  twenty-one 
years ; — I,  your  king  and  father,  return  into  your 
hands  what  the  world  esteems  above  all  things — a 
crown ;  and  choose  for  my  throne  six  feet  of  earth, 
where  I  shall  sleep  in  peace  with  my  fathers." 

After  his  abdication  he  retired  to  France,  where  he 
was  made  abbot  of  the  monastery  of  St.  Germain- 
des-Pres. 

It  was  in  this  king's  reign  that  the  Uberum  veto,  or 
privilege  of  the  deputies  to  stop  all  proceedings  in 
the  diet  by  a  simple  dissent,  first  assumed  the  form 
of  a  legal  custom.  "  The  leaven  of  superstition  and 
bigotry,"  says  Rulhiere,f  "began  to  ferment  and 

*  In  this  diet  Casimir  pronounced  these  remarkable  words,  which  have 
been  construed  as  a  singular  prophecy  of  the  dismemberment  of  Poland: 
"  I  hope  I  may  be  a  false  prophet  in  stating  that  you  have  to  fear  the  dis- 
memberment of  the  republic.  The  Russians  (Moscus  et  Russi)  will 
attempt  to  seize  the  grand-dutchy  of  Lithuania  as  far  as  the  rivers  Bug 
and  Narew,  and  almost  to  the  Vistula.  The  Elector  of  Brandeburgwill 
have  a  design  on  Greater  Poland  and  the  neighbouring  palatinates,  and 
will  contend  for  the  aggrandizement  of  both  Prussian.  The  house  of 
Austria  will  turn  its  attention  to  Cracow  and  the  adjacent  palatinates." 
Rulhie"re  pretends  that  Casimir  had  the  mysterious  treaty  in  his  eye  when 
he  spoke  these  prophetic  words ;  but  a  more  natural  solution  of  the  ques^ 
tion  is  found  in  the  letters  before  mentioned,  which  show  that  the  appre- 
hensions Casimir  expresses  were  not  confined  to  him. 

t  Histoire  de  1' Anarchic  de  Pologne,  vol.  i.  p.  42. 


80  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

blend  itself  with  all  the  other  vices  of  the  constitu- 
tion; they  then  became  closely  united,  and  their 
junction  defied  all  remedy.  It  was  then  that  in  the 
bosom  of  the  national  assembly  sprung  up  this  sin- 
gular anarchy,  which,  under  the  pretext  of  making 
the  constitution  more  firm,  has  destroyed  in  Poland 
all  sovereign  power. — The  right  of  single  opposition 
to  general  decrees,  although  always  admitted,  was 
for  a  long  time  not  acted  upon.  There  remained  but 
one  step  to  complete  the  destructive  system,  and  that 
was  taken  in  1652,  under  the  reign  of  John  Casimir. 
A  Polish  noble  named  Sizinski,  whom  his  contempo- 
raries have  denounced  to  the  indignation  of  posterity, 
having  left  the  diet  at  the  period  allotted  for  its  reso- 
lutions, and  by  his  voluntary  absence  preventing  the 
possibility  of  any  unanimity,  the  diet  considered  that 
it  had  lost  its  power  by  the  desertion  of  this  one 
deputy."  A  precedent  so  absurd,  but  so  easily  imi- 
tated, could  not  fail  to  have  the  most  pernicious 
effects. 

There  can  only  be  one  opinion  on  this  king's  reign : 
he  deserves  any  character  rather  than  that  of  "  the 
Polish  Solomon ;"  nor  can  we  agree  with  the  whole 
of  the  assertion  that 

"  He  made  no  wars,  and  did  not  gain 
New  realms  to  lose  them  back  again, 
And  (save  debates  in  Warsaw's  diet) 
He  reign'd  in  most  unseemly  quiet."* 

His  reign,  unfortunately  for  Poland,  was  any  thing 
but  an  "unseemly  quiet,"  and  has  added  another 
proof  of  the  bad  effects  of  ingrafting  the  sceptre  on 
the  crosier. 

The  introduction  of  the  Jesuits  by  Batory  had  a 
great  effect  on  the  progress  of  learning  in  Poland. 
The  curious,  however,  count  up  711  Polish  authors 
in  the  reign  of  Sigismund  III.  The  Polish  language 
became  more  generally  diffused  in  Lithuania,  Gal* 

*  Mazeppa. 


JOHN   SOBIESKI.  81 

licia,  Volhynia,  &c.,  where  formerly  the  Russian 
was  the  prevalent  dialect.  The  close  intercourse 
which  commenced  with  France  during-  the  unfortu- 
nate administration  of  John  Casimir  introduced  many 
of  the  comforts  of  civilization;  travelling  was  im- 
proved in  Poland,  inns  were  built  on  the  high  roads, 
and  carriages  came  into  general  use.  But  sadly  did 
learning  languish  in  this  stormy  reign.  The  incur- 
sions of  the  Swedes,  Cossacks,  and  Tartars  swept 
away  the  libraries,  broke  up  all  literary  society,  and 
commerce  shared  the  same  fate. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Michael  Wiecnowegki  elected— Intrigues  against  him— War  with  Tur- 
key—Treaty of  Buczacz— Royal  Confederation — Treaty  broken — Death 
of  Michael— Battle  of  Chocim— Election  of  Sobieski— Sobieski's  Ances- 
try-^Life,  &c.— Battle  of  Leopol— Coronation— Sobieski's  Danger — 
Treaty  of  Zuranow — Alliance  with  Austria — Siege  of  Vienna — Sobi- 
eski succours  Vienna  and  defeats  the  Turks— Leopold's  Ingratitude — 
Sobieski  defeated  by  the  Turks— Consequences  of  this  War— Intrigues 
— War  renewed— Complaints  of  the  Diet — Religious  Persecution — 
Sobieski  takes  the  Jews  into  favour — Disorders  of  the  Government — 
Sobieski  dies. 

MANY  were  found  ready  to  take  up  the  crown 
which  Casimir  had  laid  down;  and  among  other  can- 
didates appeared  the  eldest  son  of  the  czar,  the  Duke 
of  Neuburg,  Prince  Charles  of  Lorraine,  and  the 
Prince  of  Conde.  But  neither  of  these  was  consid- 
ered an  eligible  person;  and  faction,  which  makes 
nations  the  dupes  of  trivial  circumstances  and  feeble 
individuals,  raised  an  obscure  monk  to  the  sovereignty. 
This  event  seems  to  have  disappointed  more  than  the 
ostensible  competitors.  The  "  famous"  John  Sobi- 
eski, who  was  now  both  grand-general  and  grand- 
marshal,  which  offices  gave  him  almost  absolute 
power  both  in  civil  and  military  affairs, 


82  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

" thought  one  step  higher 

Would  set  him  highest," 

and  was  secretly  clearing  the  way  to  take  this  de- 
cisive step.  He  succeeded  so  far  as  to  persuade  the 
Poles  to  reject  the  foreigners  and  choose  a  Piast  ;* 
but  not  the  individual  whom  the  great  general  wished 
to  introduce.  "  If  at  this  juncture,"  says  his  biog- 
rapher,! "  he  flattered  himself  with  the  hopes  of  the 
crown,  the  illusion  was  of  short  duration."  A  tu- 
multuous movement,  which  was  of  uncertain  origin, 
called  to  the  throne  a  Polish  gentleman,  obscure,  un- 
known, and  deformed,  who  was  not  invested  with 
any  office,  who  had  never  transacted  any  public 
ousiness,  and  who  himself  rejected  this  unexpected 
honour  with  a  shudder  of  apprehension.  Michael 
Koribut  Wie9nowieeki  was  descended  from  the  Ja- 
gellons ;  but  shrinking  from  the  field  of  strife  which 
had  led  his  ancestors  to  the  throne,  he  shut  himself 
up  in  a  monastery  of  Warsaw,  in  hope  that  he  might 
live  unmolested,  and  go  down  to  the  grave  unob- 
served. He  was  almost  dragged  to  the  throne,  and 
wept  at  being  obliged  to  bear  what  so  many  were 
longing  for,  1669.  Casimir,  on  being  informed  of 
his  late  subjects'  choice,  said,  "What!  have  they 
set  the  crown  upon  the  head  of  that  poor  fellow  ?" 
Subsequent  events  proved  that  the  ex-king  was  right 
in  his  hinted  apprehensions. 

The  senators,  foiled  by  this  nomination  of  the  in- 
ferior nobles,  took  every  opportunity  of  exhibiting 
the  king's  weakness.  Michael  too  gave  them  many 
grounds  for  complaint;  he  paid  no  regard  to  the 
pacta  conventa,  and  married  an  Austrian  princess, 
the  archduchess  Eleanora,  without  consulting  the 
diet.  The  Cossacks,  revolting,  and  being  beaten  by 
Sobieski,  sued  for  aid  from  Turkey. 

At  this  time  numerous  intrigues  were  secretly 

*  The  party  in  favour  of  a  native  Pole  was  already  formed  by  the 
Bobles,  who  were  enraged  at  the  intrigues  of  the  late  queen  with  Franoa. 
t  Coyer. 


ROYAL    CONFEDERACY.  83 

fomenting,  and  among  others  one  with  Sobieski  at 
its  head,  to  depose  Michael  and  set  a  French  prince 
on  the  throne.  This  was  a  faction  of  the  aristocrats 
against  the  inferior  nobles  (la  noblesse);  Sobieski 
carried  on  a  correspondence  with  Louis  XIV.,  and 
invited  him  to  name  a  king  for  Poland,  to  curb  the 
license  of  the  diet, — in  fact,  to  use  his  own  words, "  to 
deliver  the  republic  from  the  absurd  tyranny  of  a 
plebeian  nobility."* 

The  approach  of  Mahomet  suspended  these  in- 
trigues for  a  time.  Sobieski,  the  champion  of  Po- 
land, again  took  the  field ;  but  in  vain  did  he  rally  his 
little  army.  Kamieniec,  a  strong  town  and  fortress 
in  Podolia,  in  fact  the  only  well-fortified  place  the 
Poles  possessed,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Turks  on 
the  27th  of  August,  1672 ;  and  in  September  Maho- 
met encamped  under  the  walls  of  Leopol,  the  capital 
of  Gallicia.  The  pospolite,  whom  Michael  had 
hastily  assembled,  imagining  that  the  aristocrats 
were  treacherously  concerned  in  this  invasion,  con- 
federated at  Golembe  to  defend  their  king.  Michael, 
alarmed  at  having  the  Moslems  in  such  close  vicinity, 
made  proposals  to  the  sultan  for  peace,  which  were 
accepted.  This  disgraceful  treaty  of  Buczacz  alien- 
ated from  Poland  the  Ukraine  and  Podolia,  and  made 
Michael  a  tributary  vassal  of  Mahomet  ;f  who,  satis- 
fied with  this  success,  and  harassed  by  Sobieski, 
withdrew  his  troops.  The  aristocratical  party  pro- 
tested vehemently  against  this  treaty,  and  the  breach 
of  privilege  committed  by  the  king  in  signing  it 
without  consent  of  the  diet,  although  they  were  the 
very  persons  who  had  lately  planned  the  abolition 
of  the  elective  and  inert  monarchy.  The  confede- 
rates, however,  firmly  defended  the  act;  and  so  violent 
were  they,  that  they  condemned  a  hundred  of  the 
most  illustrious  nobles  to  death,  and  enjoined  all 

*  Sobieski's  letter  to  Louis  XIV.  of  the  14th  July,  1672.— See  Rul 
re,  vol.  i.  p.  53. 
t  He  was  to  pay  22,000  ducats  annually. 


84  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

others  to  subscribe  to  the  confederacy  under  the 
same  penalty.  They  summoned  Sobieski  to  appear 
before  them ;  but  with  difficulty  could  he  save  the 
messengers  from  the  vengeance  of  his  soldiers,  who 
swore  to  a  man  to  defend  their  favourite  leader. 
Winter  advanced  and  dispersed  the  confederacies ; 
and  in  the  beginning  of  1673,  all  parties  agreed  to  a 
meeting  for  the  object  of  pacification. 

At  the  opening  of  the  assembly,  an  obscure  indi- 
vidual announced  that  he  had  an  important  commu- 
nication to  make,  no  less  than  that  Sobieski  had  sold 
his  country  to  the  sultan  for  twelve  millions.  Hun- 
dreds of  voices  immediately  demanded  vengeance 
on  the  man  who  dared  to  calumniate  their  great 
general ;  but  he  came  in  person  to  Warsaw  to  defend 
himself.  The  entrance  of  the  illustrious  culprit  into 
the  city  was  a  triumph ;  the  king,  hating  him  as  he 
did,  sent  to  compliment  him,  and  the  convocation 
looked  upon  him  with  that  reverence  which  master 
minds  always  exact  from  ordinary  intellects.  Ac- 
cording to  his  advice,  the  convocation  dissolved  into 
a  regular  diet ;  and  even  those  now  crouched  before 
him  who  had  lately  impeached  him.  The  accuser 
was  condemned  to  capital  punishment;  but  Sobieski's 
authority  and  clemency  arrested  the  sentence.  The 
diet  declared  for  war. 

Michael  indeed  still  wore  the  crown,  but  Sobieski 
wielded  the  sceptre.  He  set  out  to  encounter  the 
'  Turks,  who  came  to  claim  the  tribute,  payment  of 
which  was  neglected ;  and  came  up  with  them  near 
Chocim,  in  November,  1673.  "  My  comrades,"  said 
he,  as  he  beheld  their  immense  and  gorgeous  camp, 
"  in  half  an  hour  we  shall  lodge  under  those  gilded 
tents ;"  and  he  kept  his  word.  "  The  day  of  Cho- 
cim," says  Salvandy,*  "  was  too  great  to  be  counted 

*  Histoire  de  Pologne  avant  et  sous  le  Roi  Jean  Sobieski,  par  N.  A.  de 
Balvandy,  vol.  ii.  p.  153. 

This  attractive  work,  if  read  with  the  restrictions  contained  in  an 
excellent  critique  in  the  Revue  Encyclopedique,  vol.  xliii.  p.  438,  will 


ELECTION    OF    SOBIESKI.  85 

in  this  sad  reign."  Disease,  which  had  long  preyed 
on  Michael,  carried  him  off  on  the  very  eve  of  'the 
battle.  In  framing  our  opinion  of  this  king's  charac- 
ter, we  must  do  him  the  justice  to  remember,  that 
even  a  great  man  would  have  found  it  difficult  to 
hold  a  consistent  course  in  the  midst  of  circum- 
stances so  trying  as  those  in  which  he  was  thrown. 
The  Poles,  too,  had  no  reason  to  complain ;  they 
had  forced  the  crown  on  his  head  in  spite  of  his  un- 
willingness to  accept  it. 

Sobieski  now  played  his  part  well ;  he  took  every 
precaution  to  throw  obstacles  in  the  way  of  his  com- 
petitors ;  and  at  length,  when  the  elective  diet  was 
In  a  state  of  hesitation,  he  took  them  by  surprise  and 
carried  his  point.  His  friend  and  partisan,  Jablo- 
nowski,  palatine  of  Polish  Russia,  thus  addressed 
the  assembly : 

"  Having  arrived  at  the  close  of  this  stormy  dis- 
cussion, we  have  all  agreed  what  kind  of  a  king  our 
present  circumstances  demand.  We  know  that  the 
crown  is  a  heavy  burden,  and  it  remains  to  see  who 
has  most  strength  to  bear  it. — We  can  have  a  chief, 
a  companion  and  judge  of  our  labours,  a  citizen  of 
our  country.  I  demand  that  a  Pole  shall  reign  over 
Poland.  Among  us  is  a  man  who,  having  saved  the 
state  ten  times  by  his  counsels  and  his  victories,  is 
regarded  by  all  the  world,  as  well  as  by  ourselves, 
as  the  greatest,  the  first  of  the  sons  of  Poland.  One 
last  consideration  affects  me.  Poles,  if  we  deliberate 
here  in  peace  on  the  election  of  a  king,  if  the  most 
illustrious  powers  solicit  our  suffrages,  if  our  strength 
is  increased,  if  our  liberty  is  in  existence,  if  even  we 
have  a  country,  to  whom  are  we  indebted  for  it? 
Recall  to  mind  the  wonders  of  Slobodisza,  Podhaice, 
Kalusz,  and,  above  all,  Chocim,  immortal  names,  and 
take  for  your  king  John  Sobieski !" 

This  harangue  had  the  desired  effect,  and  Sobieski 

fiirnish  a  rich  treat  for  those  admirers  of  Sobieski  who  are  acquainted 
with  him  only  from  the  writings  of  Connor,  Coyer,  or  Palmer. 

H 


86  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

\vas  elected  King  of  Poland  on  the  19th  of  May, 
1674. 

This  great  man  was  not  merely  one  of  Fortune's 
minions.  He  had  not,  like  many  indeed,  to  contend 
with  the  disadvantages  of  an  obscure  birth  or  $  con- 
tracted education.  His  immediate  ancestry  were 
not  only  illustrious,  but  powerful ;  and  he  had  from 
childhood  every  opportunity  that  Europe  afforded  to 
acquire  the  most  recent  information  as  regards  the 
useful  arts  of  war  and  policy,  and  at  the  same  time 
to  cultivate  science  and  elegant  learning.  His  father 
and  grandfather  were  distinguished  in  Polish  history; 
the  former  was  castellan  of  Cracow,  the  chief  secu- 
lar senator  of  Poland,  and  four  times  marshal  of  the 
diet  under  Sigismund  III.  He  was  a  skilful  and  re- 
nowned general;  nor  were  his  talents  confined  to 
war ;  we  have  before  had  occasion  to  allude  to  one 
of  his  literary  compositions,  the  Commentaries  of 
the  Chocim  War  (Commentariorum  Chotinensis 
Belli  Libri  Tres,  Auctore  Jacobo  Sobieski),  which  is 
in -much  better  Latin  than  the  moderns  have  gene- 
rally written.  He  married  the  granddaughter*  of  the 
great  Zolkiewski,  who  defeated  the  Russians  at  Mos- 
cow in  the  reign  of  Sigismund  III.,  and  took  the  czar 
prisoner.  We  have  recorded  this  great  man's  death 
as  it  is  described  by  his  relative. 

Sobieski  first  studied  the  art  of  war  in  France ; 
where  he  was  sent  in  his  youth,  accompanied  by  his 
elder  brother  Mark.  "  My  children,"  said  their 
father,  at  parting,  "  apply  yourselves  in  France  only 
to  the  useful  arts ;  as  to  dancing,  you  will  have  an 
opportunity  of  accomplishing  yourselves  in  that 
among  the  Tartars."  This  was  during  the  minority 
of  Louis  XIV.  The  embryo  hero  of  Poland  was  ther. 
enrolled  among  the  grand  musketeers,  a  company 
which  had  been  established  by  Louis  XIII.  On 

*  Coyer  calls  her  his  daughter,  but  he  is  mistaken;  nor  is  this  the 
only  instance.  See  Coyer,  p.  67,  London  edition,  1762.  Compare  with 
Salvandy,  vol.  i.  p.  165 


EARLY    LIFE    OF    SOBIESKI.  87 

leaving  France,  the  brothers  visited  England,  Italy, 
and  Turkey.  When  they  returned  to  Poland,  they 
found  Casimir  on  the  throne  and  involved  in  the 
troublesome  war  with  the  Cossacks  and  Turks. 
Their  father  was  now  dead,  but  their  mother  well 
supplied  his  place  as  a  guardian  to  her  sons.  John, 
however,  soon  lost  his  brother  in  a  conflict  with  the 
Tartars ;  and  his  mother,  with  whom  he  was  not  a 
favourite,  retired  to  Italy.  Sobieski  had  incurred  the 
displeasure  of  his  mother  by  fighting  two  duels,  in 
the  latter  of  which  he  was  wounded  and  prevented 
from  being  present  at  an  affray  with  the  Cossacks 
at  Batowitz,  in  1652,  which  proved  fatal  to  Mark. 
The  first  of  these  was  fought  with  one  of  the  Pac,s,  a 
powerful  Lithuanian  family,  and  originated  in  a  dis- 
pute at  the  election  of  John  Casimir.  The  Pa^s  were 
from  that  time  his  declared  enemies  for  life,  and 
often  did  their  intrigues  cause  him  to  regret,  in  his 
manhood,  the  impetuosity  of  his  youth.  Various 
charges  of  youthful  gayety  and  thoughtlessness 
during  his  sojourn  in  France  were  also  brought 
against  him ;  and  John  Sobieski  was  now  considered 
but  a  young  debauchee,  and  the  degenerate  descend- 
ant of  a  noble  family.  But  soon  did  he  "  falsify 
men's  hopes,"  and  throwing  off  the  mask  of  revelry, 
came  forth  in  the  character  of  the  greatest  warrior 
of  his  age.  He  was  instrumental  in  defeating  the 
Cossacks  and  Tartars,  for  which  service  Casimir 
made  him  successively  standard-bearer  and  grand- 
general.  He  also  held  with  the  last  office  that  of 
grand-marshal,  a  place  of  great  importance. 

Besides  his  merit,  Sobieski  availed  himself  of  other 
roads  to  distinction  and  power.  His  marriage  with 
Marie  de  la  Grange,  one  of  the  maids  of  honour  to 
the.  wife  of  Casimir,  strengthened  his  influence  at 
court.  She  was  the  widow  of  Zamoyski,  Palatine 
of  Landomir,  and  daughter  of  the  Marquis  d'Anquien, 
and  a  confidant  of  her  mistress.  "  She  was  very 


88  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

ingenious  and  beautiful,"  says  Connor  ;*  "  but  John 
was  not  very  willing  to  marry  her  till  Casimir  prom- 
ised he  would  give  him  considerable  places  and 
make  him  grand-general."  And  this,  says  the  same 
author,  was  the  cause  of  his  being  made  king.  ( 

It  has  been  already  seen  how  impatient  Sobieski 
was  under  the  reign  of  Michael,  and  how  he  plotted 
his  dethronement.  That  act  of  open  defiance  to  his 
sovereign,  the  infringement  of  the  treaty  with  the 
Turks,  rendered  him  a  great  favourite  with  the  sol- 
diers ;  he  seemed  to  them  another  Camillus,  throw- 
ing his  sword  into  the  scale  which  was  to  weigh  the 
tribute. 

Before  the  coronation  ceremonies  were  performed, 
he  determined  to  prosecute  the  war  with  the  Turks. 
His  object  in  deferring  the  solemnity  of  inauguration 
seems  to  have  been  that  he  might  retain  the  office  of 
grand-general  for  a  time.  Sobieski  appears  to  have 
fought  with  the  stimulus  of  personal  animosity; 
every  Moslem  whom  he  killed  was  another  libation 
of  atonement  to  appease  the  manes  of  his  slaughtered 
relatives.  Every  enemy  whom  he  laid  low  might 
have  been  the  murderer  of  his  uncle  or  his  brother, 
and  at  least  revenge  was  satisfied  with  the  blood  that 
was  shed.  After  various  skirmishes  the  Polish 
troops  encountered  the  Turks  and  Tartars  near 
Leopol  in  Gallicia  ;  the  former  mustered  only  15,000, 
while  they  had  to  contend  with  above  60,000.f  Al- 
though it  was  in  the  month  of  August  there  was  a 
heavy  fall  of  snow,  which  fortunately  served  to  in- 
commode the  enemy.  The  superstitious  Poles  ex- 
claimed, "  a  miracle !"  the  writers  of  the  times  record 

*  Connor  was  an  Irish  physician  of  some  note,  and  was  engaged  in 
that  capacity  by  Sobieski.  He  :aas  written  a  "  History  of  Poland,"  which 
is  the  work  referred  to. 

t  These  numbers  are  multiplied  by  Connor  more  than  fourfold ;  but 
as  the  Turkish  troops  were  only  an  advanced  guard,  we  adhere  to  the 
number  given  by  Coyer.  The  doctor  pretends  too  that  Sobieski's  troops 
amounted  only  to  5000. 


WAR    WITH    TURKEY.  89 

it  as  one,  and  Sobieski  had  too  much  good  sense  to 
undeceive  them. 

Trusting  that  they  had  God  on  their  side,  they 
fought  with  the  firm  belief  that  they  should  conquer, 
and  most  probably  every  one  of  the  10,000  dead 
bodies  which  the  Turks  are  said  to  have  left  on  the 
field  was  in  their  eyes  a  confirmation  of  their  faith. 
The  enemy  fled  in  one  night  as  many  leagues  as  they 
had  marched  in  three  days  before. 

The  vizier  in  the  course  of  his  retreat  invested 
Trembowla,  a  small  town  strongly  fortified,  in  Podo- 
lia,  which  was  defended  by  Samuel  Chrasonowski,  a 
renegade  Jew.  He  first  tried  negotiation,  but  the 
brave  Jewish  governor  returned  this  answer :  "  Thou 
art  mistaken  if  thou  expectest  to  find  gold  within 
these  walls:  we  have  nothing  here  but  steel  and 
soldiers  ;  our  number  indeed  is  small,  but  our  cour- 
age is  great."  The  Turkish  general  then  ordered 
the  place  to  be  cannonaded ;  but  all  to  no  purpose. 
The  wife  of  the  Jewish  commander  was  as  resolute 
as  her  husband,  and  assisted  with  her  own  hands  to 
supply  ammunition.  The  Polish  nobles  who  were 
stationed  there  did  not,  however,  emulate  the  ex- 
ample of  their  female  general,  but  began  to  plan  a 
surrender.  They  were  overheard  by  the  heroine, 
who  ran  through  the  thickest  of  the  fire  to  inform 
her  husband;  and  he,  by  dint  of  threats  and  per- 
suasion, induced  them  to  hold  out. 

The  attack  was  carried  on  with  increased  vigour ; 
the  sturdy  walls  of  Trembowla  trembled/ and  the 
governor  began  to  fear  that  the  Lord  of  Hosts  had 
abandoned  him.  His  wife  perceived  his  anxiety,  and 
seizing  two  poniards,  said  to  her  husband,  "  One  of 
these  is  destined  for  thee,  if  thou  surrenderest  this 
town  ;  the  other  I  intend  for  myself." 

But  the  Jew  was  not  fated  to  become  a  modern 

Paetus  ;  for  almost  at  this  very  crisis  the  Polish  army 

headed  by  Sobieski  appeared  in  sight,  and  gave  the 

Turks  more  important  matters  to  engage  their  atte* 

H2 


90  HISTORY    OF   POLAND. 

tion.  The  Moslem  forces  were  again  routed  with 
the  loss  of  seven  or  eight  thousand  men,  and  retreated 
to  Kamieniec,  the  chief  town  of  Podolia,  where  they 
made  their  stay  during  the  winter. 

Sohieski  spent  the  interim  in  the  ceremonies  of 
coronation,  which  were  of  great  importance"  in 
Poland,  where  the  king  was  little  more  than  a  rex 
designatus  till  that  form  had  taken  place.  The 
funeral  of  the  deceased  king  was  always  deferred  till 
his  successor  had  been  appointed  to  succeed  him ; 
so  particular  were  the  Poles  to  avoid  an  appearance 
of  interregnum  and  anarchy  in  a  country  whose  very 
government  was  a  tissue  of  insubordination.  On  the 
present  occasion,  by  a  singular  coincidence,  it  hap- 
pened that  two  kings  were  to  be  committed  to  the 
grave.  Casimir  had  lately  died  in  France,  and  one 
dirge  was  sung  at  the  obsequies  of  both  him  and 
Michael.  This  was  really  a  practical  method  of 
teaching  new  monarchs,  that 

" within  the  hollow  crown 

That  rounds  the  mortal  temples  of  a  king 
Keeps  Death  his  court." 

The  ceremony*  is  then  concluded  with  a  singular 
form.  Every  new  king  is  obliged  to  appear  in  the 
Stanislas-Kirche,  where  Boleslas  murdered  the 
prelate.  But,  as  if  he  were  the  perpetrator  of  the 
deed,  John  went  to  the  spot  on  foot,  and  declared, 
as  was  the  custom,  that  "the  crime  was  atrocious, 
that  he  was  innocent  of  it,  detested  it,  and  asked  par- 
don for  it,  by  imploring  the  protection  of  the  holy 
martyr  upon  himself  and  his  kingdom."! 

When  all  these  pageants  were  concluded,  John  was 
again  obliged  to  take  the  field  in  September,  1676, 
as  usual  with  an  inferior  force.  He  had  38,000 

*  The  coronation  medals  bore  the  device  of  a  naked  sword  passing 
through  several  crowns  of  laurel,  and  at  the  point  a  regal  crown  witfi 
this  inscription,  "  Per  has  adistam." 

t  Zaluski. 


DANGER   AT   ZURAWNO.  91 

against  200,000  Turks  and  Tartars ;  yet  he  made  a 
stand  at  Zurawno,  a  little  town  in  Pokucia  on  the 
west  of  the  Dniester,  and  fortified  his  camp  with  in- 
trenchments.  The  Turkish  army  were  encamped 
on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  had  besides  cut  off 
the  communication  behind  the  Poles.  The  fate  of 
Sobieski  and  Poland  seemed  now  to  hang  by  a  hair. 
The  king  even  condescended  to  send  messengers  to 
the  Tartar  prince  with  proposals  of  peace,  but  with- 
out any  concessions.  "What  brought  us  here,"  said 
the  envoy  to  the  cham,  "  is  the  love  of  peace,  which 
you  yourselves  stand  in  need  of.  We  bring  neither 
the  petitions  nor  the  looks  of  suppliants,  but  a  cour- 
age that  is  proof  against  every  thing ;  and  our  swords 
shall  procure  us  peace  if  our  negotiations  cannot." 
As  he  spoke  these  words  he  drew  his  sword  half  out 
of  its  sheath,  which  greatly  provoked  the  cham, 
though  no  further  notice  was  taken  of  the  imperti- 
nence ;  but  the  Polish  embassy  was  dismissed. 

The  Turks  now  made  an  attempt  to  pass  the  river, 
but  were  repulsed  with  great  loss  ;  and  Ibrahim,  the 
vizier,  seeing  the  danger  of  bearding  the  lion  in  his 
den,  determined  to  annoy  him  at  a  distance.  He 
opened  trenches  as  if  he  was  besieging  a  town,  and 
the  artillery  was  brought  to  bear  on  the  Polish  camp. 
A  ball  went  through  the  king's  tent ;  but  he  refused 
to  take  any  precaution  for  his  own  safety,  feeling 
that  the  crisis  demanded  personal  hazard,  to  let  the 
soldiers  see  that  they  bore  no  more  than  their  general. 

Ibrahim  still  remembered  the  terrible  havoc  So- 
bieski had  made  among  the  gigantic  Turkish  forces, 
and  feared  even  what  he  considered  the  dying 
strength  of  the  formidable  Pole ;  he  therefore  sent 
deputies  with  proposals  of  peace.  They  demanded 
the  performance  of  the  treaty  made  by  Michael,  and 
swore  "by  their  beards  and  mustachios,  to  ensure 
the  safety  of  the  Polish  army,  offering  to  continue 
hostages  till  it  had  passed  the  Dniester,  after  signing 
a  more  solid  peace  than  the  former."  To  these 


92  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

conditions  John  refused  to  submit,  and  determined 
rather  to  try  the  vast  odds  of  so  unequal  a  battle. 

There  were  only  provisions  for  four  days  in  the 
Polish  camp,  and  the  king  gave  orders  for  an  attack 
on  the  following-  morning.  This  was  an  awful  night 
for  Sobieski;  it  was  one  of  those  periods  when  feven 
the  gigantic  mind  labours  under  the  burden  of  its 
own  mighty  efforts  to  achieve  what  seems  impossible 
to  ordinary  men.  He  confessed  that  he  never  felt 
any  solicitude  and  anxiety  equal  to  this  ;  but  when 
he  thought  of  the  disgraceful  treaty  of  Michael,  he 
resolved  to  conquer  or  to  die. 

Day,  however,  dawned  with  a  brighter  prospecf 
on  the  Poles.  Sedition  had  sprung  up  in  the  Moslem 
camp;  the  janizaries  were  dissatisfied,  and  the  Tar- 
tars, tired  of  this  unprofitable  kind  of  war,  threatened 
to  desert.  Besides,  news  arrived  that  the  Russians 
were  advancing  to  the  aid  of  the  Poles ;  and  the 
French  and  English  ambassadors  were  already 
arrived  at  Leopol,  and  demanded  passports  to  go  to 
the  king's  camp.  These  circumstances  obliged  Ibia- 
him  to  lower  his  authoritative  tone,  and  he  consented 
to  make  peace  on  acceptable  terms.  Two-thirds  of 
the  Ukraine  were  given  up  to  Poland ;  the  other  third 
was  to  remain  in  the  hands  of  the  Cossacks,  under 
protection  of  the  sultan.  Podolia  also  was  re- 
stored except  Kamieniec,  which  was  still  retained. 

John  returned  to  Poland  with  the  credit  of  having 
finished  the  campaign  honourably.  He  then  gave 
the  French  ambassador  an  audience,  and  was  invested 
with  the  order  of  the  "  Holy  Ghost,"  by  order  of 
Louis  XIV.  This  rather  nettled  the  Poles ;  "  It  was 
stooping  to  the  pride  of  France,"  said  they,  "  to  wear 
its  livery." 

John  "had  now  an  interval  of  five  years'  peace, 
though  he  could  not  be  said  to  enjoy  any  of  its 
sweets,  for  he  was  continually  harassed  by  the  petty 
warfare  of  political  intrigues  carried  on  by  his 
wife  and  the  Jesuits.  Although  the  pacta  convent* 


POLITICAL   INTRIGUES    OF    THE    QUEEN.          93 

expressly  forbade  all  female  influence  in  the  polity  of 
the  kingdom,  Mary  contrived  to  manage  Sobieski 
and  his  diet  according  to  her  own  will.  "  Her  sweet 
temper,"  says  Connor,  "  refined  sense,  and  majestic 
air  gained  her  such  affection  with  the  Poles,  such 
influence  over  the  king,  and  such  a  sustained  interest 
in  the  diet,  that  she  managed  all  with  a  great  deal 
of  prudence."  She  was  present  at  all  the  debates, 
not  in  public,  but  in  a  private  situation,  where  she 
could  hear  without  being  seen.  She  had  one  day  a 
matter  of  personal  interest,  the  increase  of  her  allow- 
ance, before  the  diet,  but  the  king  endeavoured  to 
defer  it  till  the  assembly  were  in  a  better  humour. 
The  queen,  however,  would  not  be  put  off,  and  sent 
her  chancellor  to  the  king  with  a  message  to  that 
purpose.  The  king  was  incensed,  and  though  he 
was  obliged  to  obey,  felt  probably  the  more  ready  to 
do  so  as  he  was  certain  the  demand  would  be  re- 
jected. In  this,  however,  he  was  mistaken,  and  was 
shown  the  extent  of  his  wife's  influence,  for  she  had 
covertly  gained  over  the  deputies,  and  not  the  slight- 
est opposition  was  made  to  the  proposal. 

Sobieski  managed  the  Jesuits  better.  It  was  ru- 
moured that  a  ghost  had  appeared  in  the  house  of  a 
Polish  gentleman  in  Volhynia,  and  had  also  made 
very  serious  remarks  on  the  king  and  his  govern- 
ment. Pasquinades  of  all  kinds  were  laid  to  the 
charge  of  the  scurrilous  spirit;  and  a  Jesuit,  Gnie- 
vosz,  chaplain  to  the  grand-general,  bore  witness  to 
the  reality  of  the  apparition.  The  king,  who  was 
not  to  be  frightened  by  shadows,  and  was  not  to  be 
made  a  dupe  of  the  designing  or  the  credulous,  sent 
an  intelligent  officer  to  have  a  colloquy  with  the 
ghost,  and  demand  his  credentials  from  the  king  on 
the  other  side  of  the  grave.  The  spirit  was  soon 
laid,  and  the  king  readily  understood  who  were  the 
plotters  of  the  trick ;  nor  did  he  forget  to  retaliate. 
Seeing  his  Jesuitical  confessor  at  court,  he  said  to 
him,  after  mentioning  the  ghost  story,  "  Well,  what 


94  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

does  your  rascal,  Gnievosz,  say  to  that?"  The 
Jesuit  imagined  this  but  a  prelude  to  further  dis- 
grace, and  was  so  affected  that  he  actually  died  in 
consequence  before  the  expiration  of  eight  days. 

The  same  order  took  the  liberty  of  encroaching  on 
some  of  the  queen's  lands  by  means  of  interpolated 
or  confused  title-deeds ;  but  the  king  soon  stopped 
this  aggression  also,  resolutely  but  mildly.  In  writing 
to  the  general  of  the  Jesuits,  he  said,  "  I  shall  not 
summon  your  brethren  at  Jaroslaw  to  appear  before 
the  diet,  where  I  should  have  on  my  side  both  jus- 
tice and  the  respect  that  is  due  to  me.  I  am  afraid 
of  increasing  by  this  means  the  hatred  which  is 
already  borne  you.  I  only  advise  you  to  be  upon  your 
guard  against  those  who  have  the  management  of 
your  houses,  &c."  This  quickly  produced  a  restitu- 
tion of  the  purloined  property,  and  the  Jesuits  were 
in  future  more  on  their  guard  in  affronting  Sobieski. 
Had  this  king  acted  with  the  same  good  sense  and 
determination  in  other  matters  of  a  similar  kind,  he 
would  have  made  his  reign  much  more  happy  and 
glorious. 

John  had  long  wished  to  renew  the  war  with  the 
Turks ;  and  in  addition  to  his  inveterate  and  family 
hatred  to  that  nation,  the  reproaches  of  the  Pac,s  and 
their  party,  continually  reminding  him  that  Kamiem'ec 
was  in  their  hands,  spurred  him  on,  and  an  opportu- 
nity now  offered  to  do  so.  Leopold,  Emperor  of 
Germany  and  King  of  Hungary,  had  driven  his  Hun- 
garian subjects  to  revolt  by  infringements  on  their 
national  liberties.  The  noted  Tekeli,  one  of  the 
principal  nobles  of  that  oppressed  country,  was  their 
leader;  and  they  then  entered  into  an  alliance  with 
the  Turks.  Mahomet  sent  notice  to  Leopold,  that 
the  Hungarians  were  now  the  allies  and  subjects  of 
the  Porte,  and  that  all  the  Austrian  troops  must  be 
withdrawn  from  Hungary,  unless  he  chose  to  be  con- 
sidered the  infringer  of  the  peace.  Leopold  earnestly 
begged  the  aid  of  the  Poles,  but  Sobieski  seemed  at 


ALLIANCE    WITH   AUSTRIA.  95 

first  disinclined  to  assist  the  proud  and  tyrannical 
emperor.  But  he  next  turned  to  a  more  favourable 
listener  in  the  queen.  Several  reasons  made  the 
proposal  agreeable  to  her;  she  was  piqued  with 
Louis  XIV.  for  his  neglect  of  her  family,  and  was 
glad  to  thwart  him  in  his  attempts  to  subject  Leopold 
to  Turkish  invasion ;  besides,  the  emperor  promised 
to  marry  the  archduchess  to  her  son,  and  to  ensure 
the  succession  to  the  Polish  crown  in  her  family. 
Sobieski  could  not  withstand  Mary's  artifices ;  and, 
perhaps,  he  was  in  fact  glad  of  the  opportunity  to 
break  a  lance  with  the  Turks.  He  agreed  .to  have 
48,000  men  in  readiness  to  assist  Leopold  whenever 
they  might  be  required ;  but  a  trifle  almost  deprived 
the  emperor  of  this  invaluable  ally.  Leopold  agreed 
to  give  up  his  pretensions  to  the  salt  mines  of 
Wieliczka,  which  had  been  pledged  to  the  emperor 
by  Casimir  as  a  security  for  5,000,000  florins,  and  to 
advance  1,200,000  florins  for  the  expenses  of  the 
expedition;  but  John  refused  to  sign  the  treaty, 
unless  the  emperor  styled  him  His  Majesty,  which 
for  a  long  time  he  obstinately  refused.  This  demand 
was,  without  doubt,  made  at  the  instigation  of  Mary, 
who  was  piqued  because  Louis  would  not  give  her 
husband  that  title.  Leopold  was  at  last  obliged, 
though  reluctantly,  to  yield  assent,  and  John  Sobieski 
became  his  ally. 

Louis,  in  the  mean  time,  had  not  been  idle  in 
attempting  to  counteract  these  designs.  His  am- 
bassador succeeded  in  attaching  a  strong  party  to 
his  interest ;  but  the  vigilance  of  Sobieski  frustrated 
the  plan,  and  the  French  ambassador,  nettled  at  his 
defeat,  returned  to  amuse  and  deceive  Louis  with 
telling  him  that  the  Polish  king  was  grown  too  fat 
and  gouty  to  be  able  to  make  a  single  campaign.  In 
a  few  weeks,  however,  all  Europe  was  told  a  very 
different  story. 

The  sultan's  forces  were  ready  in  April,  1683, 
but  as  the  truce  was  not  expired,  he  did  not  take 


96  HISTORY   OF   POLAND. 

advantage  of  the  unprepared  state  of  Leopold's  army* 
He  thus  sacrificed  interest  to  truth  and  good  faith) 
but  he  was  a  Barbarian,  and  had  not  been  schooled 
in  European  sophistry.  His  opponents  would  have 
been,  and  in  fact  had  been,  less  scrupulous.  Sobieski 
had  broken  the  treaty  with  the  Porte  in  Michael's 
reign,  and  Leopold  had  trampled  on  all  engagements 
to  which  he  had  pledged  himself  with  the  Hungarians. 
If  the  God  of  the  Christians  did  not  make  his  sun 
shine  on  the  evil  as  well  as  the  good,  the  Turks  would 
have  been  right  in  expecting  that  He  "  would  soon 
deliver  them  up  to  the  faithful  Mussulmans  as  a  just 
punishment  upon  the  Christians  for  their  wanton 
violation  of  treaties." 

In  the  beginning  of  May,  1683,  the  Moslem  army 
set  out  on  its  march.  The  troops  amounted  nearly 
to  300,000  men,  but  above  two-thirds  of  them  were 
Hungarians  and  Tartars.  They  were  well  provided 
with  ammunition,  and  had  more  than  three  hundred 
immense  pieces  of  artillery.  Their  general  was 
Kara  Mustapha,  the  grand  vizier,  who  was  invested 
with  plenary  power  by  the  sultan. 

The  route  through  Hungary  was  open  to  the 
Turks,  who  came  as  the  allies  and  defenders  of  that; 
country,  so  that  no  hopes  remained  for  the  Austrian? 
but  in  their  own  resistance.  The  Duke  of  Lorraine,, 
Leopold's  brother-in-law,  who  had  been  one  of  So- 
bieski's  competitors  for  the  Polish  crown,  com- 
manded the  imperial  troops,  who  barely  mustered 
37,000  men. 

The  vizier  inarched  his  army  from  Belgrade  along 
the  western  side  of  the  Danube,  and  proceeded  almost 
without  a  blow  to  Vienna.  The  emperor  became 
now  as  timid  and  crouching  in  his  adversity  as  hs 
had  been  proud  and  overbearing  in  his  prosperity. 
The  haughty  Leopold  was  to  be  seen  running  away 
before  the  Tartars  from  town  to  town,  an  edifying 
picture  of  humiliated  tyranny.  To  add  to  his 
troubles,  the  empress,  who  accompanied  him,  was 


SIEGE    OF   VIENNA*  97 

then  pregnant,  and  even  in  this  state  she  was  obliged, 
one  night  during  their  retreat,  to  sleep  in  a  wood  on 
a  bundle  of  straw.  This  was  a  time  for  the  bleak 
night-winds  to  whisper  to  Leopold  that  monition, 
"  Take  physic,  pomp !"  Behind  him  he  could  see  the 
farms  and  cottages  of  his  poor  subjects  in  flames,  of 
which  his  tyrannical  pride  was  the  incendiary,  as  con- 
science, no  doubt,  too  plainly  told  him.  But  though 
he  was  the  cause  of  all  these  troubles,  he  did  not 
hazard  a  hair  of  his  head  to  remove  them,  but  left  his 
capital  to  defend  itself  against  the  immense  host  of 
Turks  pouring  down  upon  it. 

Vienna  is  protected  on  the  north  by  the  Danube, 
and  was  at  that  time  pretty  strongly  fortified  on  the 
other  sides.  On  the  south  there  is  a  plain  of  nearly 
three  leagues  in  extent ;  and  it  was  here  that  the 
vizier  pitched  his  camp,  which  almost  covered  that 
surface.*  The  Duke  of  Lorraine  threw  a  part  of 
his  infantry  into  the  city,  and  stationed  the  rest  in 
Leopolstat,  an  island  of  the  Danube  to  the  north  of 
Vienna.  It  was  on  the  8th  of  July  that  the  Turkish 
artillery  began  to  play  on  the  walls,  and  the  Austrians 
to  tremble  for  the  result. 

Count  Starembourg  commanded  the  garrison, 
which  consisted  of  little  more  than  11,000  men, 
and  in  addition  to  them  he  armed  the  university  and 
citizens.f  He  received  no  further  aid  from  the 
Duke  of  Lorraine,  who  now  retired  from  the  island  of 
Leopolstat,  and  was  engaged  in  continual  skirmishes 
with  the  Tartars.  The  siege  went  on  with  vigour, 
and  by  the  22d  of  July  the  Turks  had  made  very 
near  approaches  to  the  walls. 

At  this  juncture  the  garrison  received  news  from 

*  The  Turkish  army  encamped  before  Vienna  amounted  to  191,800 
men,  as  appeared  from  a  list  found  in  the  vizier's  tent. — Connor. 

The  author  of  a  Journal  of  the  Siege  of  Vienna  states  that  the  muster- 
roll  contained  only  168,000,  and  that  even  this  was  purposely  overrated. 
—Journal  of  the  Siege  of  Vienna.  Harleian  MSS. 

t  The  above  manuscript  rates  them  at  16,000,  besides  2,382  armed 
citizens. 

I 


98  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

the  Duke  of  Lorraine.  He  promised  them  speedy 
succour,  though  this  was  most  probably  done  merely 
to  inspirit  them.  The  bearer  of  the  message  had 
swum  across  the  four  arms  of  the  Danube,  and  had 
to  return  with  his  answer  the  same  way.  The  bold 
messenger  was  not  so  fortunate  this  time,  being  taken 
by  the  enemy.  The  letter  with  which  he  was 
intrusted  was  sent  back  into  the  city,  with  another 
on  the  point  of  an  arrow.  The  purport  of  the  latter 
epistle  was,  "  that  all  letters  were  now  useless,  for 
that  God  would  soon  deliver  up  Vienna  to  the  faithful 
Mussulmans  as  a  just  punishment  upon  the  Christians 
for  their  wanton  violation  of  treaties."  They  re- 
proached the  emperor  for  breaking  a  treaty  which 
followed  the  battle  of  St.  Gothard;  with  infringing 
on  the  privileges  of  the  Hungarians,  and  violating 
two  treaties  made  with  Tekeli.  They  reproached 
the  Poles  for  taking  up  arms  without  being  attacked, 
and  in  defiance  of  the  oaths  they  had  sworn  at 
Buczacz  and  at  Zurawno. 

The  siege  was  continued  with  increased  vigour, 
and  to  add  to  the  alarm  of  the  citizens,  reports  were 
raised  that  traitors  were  making  a  subterraneous 
entry  for  the  enemy,  and  that  incendiaries  increased 
the  fires  caused  by  the  Turkish  red-hot  balls. 

The  Duke  of  Lorraine  sent  repeated  messengers 
to  Sobieski  to  beg  him  to  bring  speedy  succour ;  but 
the  Polish  troops  could  not  be  assembled  till  towards 
the  end  of  August,  and  even  then  they  amounted 
only  to  24,000  men.*  Before  Sobieski  began  his 
march  he  received  a  letter  from  the  emperor,  which 
shows  how  adversity  can  lower  the  pride  of  little 
minds.  "  We  are  convinced,"  said  Leopold,  "  that 
by  reason  of  the  vast  distance  of  your  army  it  is 
absolutely  impossible  for  it  to  come  time  enough  to 
contribute  to  the  preservation  of  a  place  which  is  in 

!  "  The  king,  with  his  son  Prince  James,  Prince  Lubomirski,  and 
most  of  the  Polish  grandees,  came  with  an  army  only,  as  they  assured 
me,  of  24,000  men  to  relieve  it  (Vienna)."— Connor.  Let.  4. 


SIEGE    OF    VIENNA.  99 

the  most  imminent  danger.  It  is  not,  therefore, 
your  troops,  sire,  that  we  expect,  but  your  majesty's 
own  presence ;  being  fully  persuaded  that  if  your 
royal  presence  will  vouchsafe  to  appear  at  the  head 
of  our  forces,  though  less  numerous  than  those  of 
the  enemy,  your  name  alone,  which  is  so  justly 
dreaded  by  them,  will  make  their  defeat  certain."* 

The  queen  accompanied  him  to  the  frontiers,  and 
the  following  letter,  which  he  wrote  to  her  on  the 
day  after  their  parting,  will  make  us  more  intimately 
acquainted  with  the  champion  of  Vienna : — 

"  Only  joy  of  my  soul,  charming  and  beloved 

Mariette ! 

"  I  have  passed  a  very  bad  night  here.  One 
of  my  arms  is  numbed ;  I  have  also  suffered  great 
pain  in  the  spine  of  my  back.  I  shall  have  an  attack 
of  rheumatism  after  this. 

"  Dupont  has  given  me  still  more  pain;  he  returned 
from  you  at  nine  in  the  evening,  and  has  told  me 
that  the  violent  agitation  you  feel  may  probably 
affect  your  health.  I  beg  you,  my  dear  soul,  to 
compose  yourself  and  submit  to  the  will  of  God. 
He  will  deign  to  grant  me  his  guardian  angels,  and 
allow  me  to  return  to  my  friends  safe  and  sound."f 

Thus  Sobieski,  fifty-four  years  old,  and  in  such  a 
state  of  health,  so  weak  and  debilitated  as  to  be 
obliged  to  be  almost  lifted  on  his  horse,  was  the  only 
man  whom  the  empire  could  look  to  for  aid. 

As  Sobieski  was  on  his  march  with  his  little  army, 
he  saw,  one  day,  an  eagle  flying  by  them  from  the 
right,  and  availing  himself  of  the  superstition  of  the 
Poles,  he  took  the  opportunity  of  encouraging  them 
by  interpreting  it  as  a  good  omen.  On  another 

*  This  letter  was  to  be  seen  in  Coyer's  time  in  the  archives  of  Poland. 
—Coyer, 

t  Histoire  dePologne  avantet  sous  le  Roi  Jean  Sobieski,  par  N.  A.  De 
Salvandy,  torn.  iii.  p.  53.  There  is  also  a  collection  of  Sobieski's 
letters,  translated  by  Count  Plater,  and  published  by  the  above  author. 


100  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

occasion  he  perceived  some  singular  atmospheric 
phenomena,  which  he  turned  to  the  same  favourable 
account. 

The  Polish  forces  marched  along  the  banks  of  the 
Danube  without  any  resistance,  and  were  J9ined 
there  by  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  and  some  other 
German  forces  hastening  to  the  rescue  of  Vienna. 
The  German  generals  expressed  some  anxiety  as  to 
the  result  of  the  conflict,  but  Sobieski  cut  them  short 
by  saying,  "  Consider  the  general  you  have  to  deal 
with,  and  not  the  multitude  he  commands.  Which 
of  you,  at  the  head  of  200,000  men,  would  have 
suffered  this  bridge  to  be  built  within  five  leagues 
of  his  camp?  The  man  has  no  capacity."  He 
alluded  to  the  bridge  at  Tuln,  which  the  Duke  of 
Lorraine  had  erected  for  the  passage  of  the  troops. 

As  the  Polish  army  crossed  the  bridge  they  were 
particularly  admired  for  the  fineness  of  their  horses, 
their  uniform  and  general  appearance ;  but  one  bat- 
talion seemed  a  sad  exception,  being  very  badly 
accoutred.  One  of  the  generals  expressed  his 
opinion  to  the  king  that  it  was  a  disgrace  to  the 
rest ;  but  Sobieski  thought  otherwise.  "  Look  at  it 
well,"  said  he,  as  it  was  passing  the  bridge,  "  it  is  an 
invincible  body,  that  has  sworn  never  to  wear  any 
clothes  but  what  it  takes  from  the  enemy.  In  the 
last  war  they  were  all  clad  in  the  Turkish  manner." 

The  Turks  offered  not  the  least  opposition  to  the 
Poles  as  they  crossed  the  bridge,  and  all  the  imperial 
troops  were  safely  assembled  on  the  western  side  of 
the  Danube  by  the  7th  of  September,  and  amounted 
to  about  70,000  men. 

They  could  hear  from  Tuln  the  roar  of  the  Turkish 
cannon.  Vienna  was,  in  fact,  reduced  almost  to  its 
last  gasp.  Most  of  the  garrison  were  either  killed 
or  wounded,  and  disease  was  making  even  greater 
ravages  than  the  enemy's  balls.  "  The  grave  con 
tinued  open  without  ever  closing  its  mouth."*  As 

*  Coyer. 


SOBIESKI   RELIEVES    VIENNA.  lOl 

early  as  the  22d  of  August  the  officers  had  estimated 
that  they  could  not  withstand  a  general  attack  three 
days.  If  the  vizier  had  pursued  his  advantage, 
Vienna  must  have  fallen  into  his  hands.  But  it  was 
his  object  to  avoid  taking  it  by  storm,  in  which  case 
the  plunder  would  be  carried  off  by  the  soldiers, 
whereas,  if  he  could  oblige  it  to  surrender,  he  might 
appropriate  the  spoil  to  his  own  use.  So  careless 
was  he,  too,  in  his  confidence,  that  he  had  not  yet 
ascertained  that  the  Poles  were  arrived,  till  they 
were  in  his  immediate  vicinity ;  and  when  the  news 
was  afterward  brought  to  him  that  the  King  of  Poland 
was  advancing,  "  The  King  of  Poland !"  said  he, 
laughing,  "  I  know,  indeed,  that  he  has  sent  Lubo- 
mirski  with  a  few  squadrons." 

The  governor,  Starembourg,  who  had  assured  the 
Duke  of  Lorraine  that  "  he  would  not  surrender  the 
place  but  with  the  last  drop  of  his  blood,"  began 
himself  to  despair  of  being  longer  able  to  hold  out. 
A  letter  which  he  wrote  at  this  period  contained 
only  these  words :  "  No  more  time  to  lose,  my  lord, 
no  more  time  to  lose." 

The  imperial  army  set  out  on  the  9th  of  September 
for  Vienna,  but  they  had  a  march  of  fourteen  miles 
to  make  across  a  ridge  of  mountains  over  which  the 
Germans  could  not  drag  their  cannon,  and  were 
therefore  obliged  to  leave  them  behind.  The  Poles 
were  more  persevering,  for  they  succeeded  in  getting 
over  twenty-eight  pieces,  which  were  all  they  had 
to  oppose  to  the  300  of  the  enemy. 

On  the  llth  of  September  they  reached  Mount 
Calemberg,  the  last  which  separated  them  from  the 
Turks.  "  From  this  hill,"  says  Sobieski's  biographer, 
"  the  Christians  were  presented  with  one  of  the  finest 
and  most  dreadful  prospects  of  the  greatness  of  hu- 
man power;  an  immense  plain  and  all  the  islands  of 
the  Danube  covered  with  pavilions,  whose  magnifi- 
cence seemed  rather  calculated  for  an  encampment 
of  pleasure  than  the  hardships  of  war ;  an  innume- 
12 


102  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

rable  multitude  of  horses,  camels,  and  buffaloes ; 
200,000  men  all  in  motion ;  swarms  of  Tartars  dis- 
persed along  the  foot  of  the  mountain  in  their  usual 
confusion ;  the  fire  of  the  besiegers  incessant  and 
terrible,  and  that  of  the  besieged  such  as  thejr  could 
contrive  to  make ;  in  fine,  a  great  city,  distinguish- 
able only  by  the  tops  of  the  steeples  and  the  fire  and 
smoke  that  covered  it."*  But  Sobieski  was  not  im- 
posed on  by  this  formidable  sight.  "  This  man,"  said 
he,  "  is  badly  encamped  :  he  knows  nothing  of  war ; 
we  shall  certainly  beat  him."  The  eagle  eye  of  the 
experienced  warrior  was  not  mistaken. 

On  the  eve  of  the  battle,  he  wrote  to  the  queen  in 
these  words :  "  We  can  easily  see  that  the  general 
of  an  army  who  has  neither  thought  of  intrenching 
himself  nor  concentrating  his  forces,  but  lies  en- 
camped there  as  if  we  were  a  hundred  miles  from 
him,  is  predestined  to  be  beaten." 

To  add  to  the  weakness  of  the  Turkish  army, 
great  dissatisfaction  had  sprung  up  among  the  troops ; 
the  length  of  the  siege,  disease,  and,  above  all,  a  super- 
stitious presentiment  of  bad  fortune,  arising  partly 
from  the  denunciations  which  the  mufti  had  pro- 
nounced against  the  sins  of  the  vizier,  and  partly 
from  a  conviction  that  they  were  transgressing  the 
law  by  being  the  aggressors,  was  general  among  the 
forces.  The  flower  of  the  Moslem  army  too,  the 
janizaries,  began  to  murmur  against  their  general's 
apparent  cowardice  :  "  Come  on,  infidels,"  they  ex- 
claimed, "  the  sight  of  a  hat  will  put  us  to  flight !" 
Such  was  the  ominous  state  of  the  troops  who  were 
to  withstand  John  Sobieski. 

The  vizier  called  a  council  of  war  on  this  day, 
which  showed  him  the  disaffection  of  his  officers,  as 
well  as  the  soldiers.  Most  of  them  advised  a  retreat ; 
they  had  engaged  in  the  expedition  reluctantly,  and 
in  opposition  to  their  own  counsel.  Kara  Mustapha, 

*  Coyer. 


BATTLE    OF  -VIENNA.  103 

however,  was  indignant  at  the  thought  of  flight :  he 
declared  his  intention  of  renewing  the  assault  of  the 
city,  at  the  same  time  while  the  body  of  his  army 
kept  the  allied  army  in  check. 

Sunday,  the  12th  of  September,  1683,  was  the  im- 
portant day,  "  big  with  the  fate"  of  Leopold,  that  was 
to  decide  whether  the  Turkish  crescent  was  to  wave 
on  the  turrets  of  Vienna.  The  cannonade  on  the 
city  began  at  the  break  of  day,  for  which  purpose 
the  vizier  on  his  part  had  withdrawn  from  his  army 
the  janizaries,  all  his  infantry,  and  nearly  all  his 
artillery.  The  light  cavalry,  the  Spahis,  the  Tartars, 
and  other  irregular  troops,  were  the  forces  destined 
to  encounter  the  enemy ;  so  egregiously  did  Kara 
Mustapha  miscalculate  the  strength  of  his  opponents. 
They  were  commanded  by  Ibrahim  Pacha,  who  was 
regarded  by  the  Turks  as  one  of  the  greatest  generals 
of  the  age  ;  but,  unfortunately  for  them,  he  was  one 
of  those  who  disapproved  the  war,  and  particularly 
the  present  plan  of  it.  At  eight  in  the  morning  there 
was  some  warm  skirmishing ;  at  eleven  the  Christian 
army  was  drawn  up  in  array  in  the  plain ;  and  Kara 
Mustapha,  beginning  to  apprehend  that  the  allies 
were  more  formidable  than  he  anticipated,  had 
changed  his  design,  and  came  to  command  his  troops 
in  person.  He  was  stationed  in  the  centre,  and  So- 
bieski  occupied  the  same  situation  in  his  army. 

It  was  nearly  five  in  the  evening,  and  the  engage- 
ment had  only  been  partial ;  for  Sobieski's  infantry 
had  not  come  up,  and  the  vizier  was  to  be  seen  under 
a  superb  crimson  tent,  quietly  sipping  coffee,  while 
the  King  of  Poland  was  before  him.  At  length  the 
infantry  arrived,  and  Sobieski  ordered  them  to  seize 
an  eminence  which  commanded  the  vizier's  position. 
The  promptitude  and  gallantry  with  which  this 
manoBuvre  was  executed  decided  the  fate  of  the  day. 
Kara  Mustapha,  taken  by  surprise  at  this  unexpected 
attack,  ordered  all  his  infantry  to  his  right  wing,  and 


104  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

the  movement  put  all  the  line  in  confusion.  The 
king  cried  out  that  they  were  lost  men ;  he  ordered 
the  Duke  of  Lorraine  to  attack  the  centre,  which  was 
now  exposed  and  weakened,  while  he  himself  made 
his  way  through  the  confused  Turks  straight  for  the 
vizier's  tent.  He  was  instantly  recognised  by  the 
streamers  which  adorned  the  lances  of  his  guard, 
"  By  Allah !"  exclaimed  the  cham  of  the  Tartars, 
"  the  king  is  with  them !"  An  eclipse  of  the  moon 
added  to  the  consternation  of  the  superstitious  Mos- 
lems. At  this  moment  the  Polish  cavalry  made  a 
grand  charge,  and  at  the  same  time  the  Duke  of 
Lorraine  with  his  troops  added  to  the  confusion ;  and 
the  rout  of  the  Turks  became  general.  The  vizier 
in  vain  tried  to  rally  them.  "  And  you,"  said  he  to 
the  cham  of  the  Tartars,  who  passed  him  among  the 
fugitives,  "cannot  you  help  me?"  "I  know  the 
King  of  Poland !"  was  the  answer.  "  I  told  you  that 
if  we  had  to  deal  with  him,  all  we  could  do  would 
be  to  run  away.  Look  at  the  sky ;  see  if  God  is  not 
against  us."  The  immense  Turkish  army  was 
wholly  broken  up,  and  Vienna  was  saved. 

So  sudden  and  general  was  the  panic  among  the 
Turks,  that  by  six  o'clock  Sobieski  had  taken  pos- 
session of  their  camp.  One  of  the  vizier's  stirrups, 
finely  enamelled,  was  brought  to  him.  "  Take  this 
stirrup,"  said  he,  "  to  the  queen,  and  tell  her,  that  the 
person  to  whom  it  belonged  is  defeated."  Having 
strictly  forbidden  his  soldiers  from  plundering,  they 
rested  under  the  Turkish  tents. 

Such  were  the  events  of  the  famous  deliverance 
of  Vienna  as  they  were  seen  by  the  looker-on ;  and 
the  outline  of  the  narrative  is  filled  up  by  one  who 
was  the  best  informed,  and  not  the  least  impartial,  no 
less  than  the  great  hero  himself.  "  The  victory  has 
been  so  sudden  and  extraordinary,"  he  writes  to  the 
queen,  "  that  the  city,  as  well  as  the  camp,  was  in 
continual  alarm,  expecting  to  see  the  enemy  return 


BATTLE    OF    VIENNA.  105 

every  moment.* — Night  put  an  end  to  the  pur- 
suit, and  besides,  the  Turks  defended  themselves  with 
fury  (acharnement)  in  their  flight. — All  the  troops 
have  done  their  duty  well ;  they  attribute  the  victory 
to  God  and  us.  At  the  moment  when  the  enemy 
began  to  give  ground  (and  the  greatest  shock  was 
where  I  was  stationed,  opposite  the  vizier),  all  the 
cavalry  of  the  rest  of  the  army  advanced  towards 
me  on  the  right  wing,  the  centre  and  the  left  wing 
having  as  yet  but  little  to  do. — The  emperor  is 
about  a  mile  and  a  half  distant.  He  is  coming  down 
the  Danube  in  a  chaloupe ;  but  I  perceive  he  has  no 
great  wish  to  see  me,  perhaps  on  account  of  the  eti- 
quette. I  am  very  glad  to  avoid  all  these  ceremonies ; 
we  have  been  treated  with  nothing  else  up  to  this 
time.  Our  darling  (fanfan)  is  brave  in  the  highest 
degree."f 

Among  the  spoil  a  large  standard  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  victors;  and  it  was  mistaken  for  that  of 
Mahomet.  It  was  sent  as  such  to  the  pope,  and  sus- 
pended in  the  church  of  Loretto,  "Where,"  says 
Connor,  "  I  have  seen  it."  The  real  standard  is 
enclosed  in  an  ark  of  gold,  with  the  Koran  and  the 
prophet's  robe,  and  is  carried  by  a  camel  before  the 
sultan  or  vizier.  When  it  is  displayed  in  battle,  an 
officer  is  appointed  to  carry  it  off  on  the  slightest 

*  The  passage  which  follows  here  offers  a  singular  illustration  of  So- 
bieski's  mind,  which,  in  the  midst  of  the  exultation  of  a  glorious  victory, 
could  turn  its  attention  to  inquiries  into  natural  phenomena.  "  I  have 
witnessed  this  night,"  he  says, "  a  spectacle  which  I  have  long  wished  for. 
Our  wagon-train  set  fire  to' the  powder  in  several  places ;  the  explosion 
was  like  that  of  the  last  judgment ;  notwithstanding,  nobody  was 
wounded.  /  had  an  opportunity  of  seeing  on  this  occasion  in  what  way 
the  clouds  are  formed  in  the  atmosphere;  but  it  is  a  mischance  :  it  is 
certainly  a  loss  of  more  than  half  a  million  (florins)."  Of  Sobieski's 
philosophy  we  shall  take  orcasiui  to  say  more  hereafter.  We  cannot 
help  remarking,  too,  another  characteristic  trait  in  this  epistle ;  Sobieski 
seems  more  delighted  at  the  large  booty  he  has  made  than  the  importance 
or  glory  of  the  victory.  Almost  the  very  first  word  he  addresses  to  his 
wife  is  about  the  riches  of  the  Turkish  camp,  and  nearly  the  whole  of  the 
long  letter  is  more  like  an  appraiser's  valuation,  than  a  hero's  description! 
of  a  momentous  battle. 

t  Letter  ix.  of  Salvandy's  collection. 


106  HISTORY   OF  POLAND. 

reverse  that  may  threaten  the  Turkish  army.  This 
was  the  case  in  the  present  instance,  but  many  writers 
still  maintain  that  it  was  the  real  standard  that  was 
taken. 

The  loss  on  the  side  of  the  victors  was  very  trifling, 
notwithstanding  the  importance  of  the  victory ;  nor 
does  it  appear  from  any  of  the  statements  to  have 
been  very  great  on  that  of  the  Turks.  Immense 
treasures  were  found  in  the  enemy's  camp ;  so  much 
so,  that  Sobieski  had  for  his  share  some  millions  of 
ducats. 

On  the  following  day  John  made  his  entrance  into 
Vienna.  The  breach  made  by  the  Turks,  and  through 
which  they  expected  to  march  to  the  destruction  of 
the  city,  was  the  road  which  admitted  its  deliverer. 
The  citizens  received  him  with  undisguised  expres- 
sions of  gratitude ;  and  even  the  stern  warrior  So- 
bieski shed  a  tear  or  two  of  joy  at  receiving  the 
thanks  and  acclamations  of  the  victims  whom  he  had 
rescued  from  destruction.  "  Never,"  said  he,  "  did 
the  crown  yield  me  pleasure  like  this  !"  The  people 
could  not  nelp  comparing  him  with  their  own  dis- 
graceful sovereign,  and  exclaiming,  "  Ah !  why  is 
not  this  our  master?"  With  difficulty  could  the 
stern  looks  of  the  emperor's  officers  check  these 
natural  expressions  of  feeling.  But  Sobieski  did  not 
arrogate  to  himself  only  the  glory  of  the  victory ; 
he  went  to  the  cathedral  to  return  thanks,  and  began 
to  sing  the  Te  Deum  himself.  A  sermon  was  after- 
ward delivered,  and  the  preacher,  in  the  taste  of 
that  age  of  conceits  and  far-fetched  puerilities,  chose 
the  following  text  for  the  occasion : — "  There  was  a 
man  sent  from  God,  whose  name  was  John"*  So- 
bieski found  upon  the  towers  of  this  church  the 
Turkish  crescent  which  had  been  erected  there  by 
the  great  Solyman  in  1529,  and  was  to  be  left  as  a 
monument  of  his  unfinished  expedition  according  to 

*  Salvandy  calls  this  "  Peloquente  inspiration  •" 


LEOPOLD'S  INGRATITUDE.  107 

the  Conditions  upon  which  he  agreed  to  raise  the 
siege.  He  ordered  this  memento  of  Austrian  dis- 
grace to  be  torn  down  and  trampled  under  foot.* 

But  the  low-minded  Leopold,  who  had  descended 
to  such  adulation  and  entreaty  when  danger  threat- 
ened, could  not  bear  to  witness  the  triumph  of  his 
deliverer.  Every  report  of  the  cannon,  which  an- 
nounced a  fresh  tribute  of  applause  to  Sobieski,  fell 
like  a  reproach  on  his  ears.  He  lingered  on  his 
journey  on  the  banks  of  the  Danube,  unwilling  to 
add  by  his  presence  to  the  honour  of  his  rival  and 
his  own  shame.  "  It  was  the  weakness  of  the  coun- 
sels that  you  had  a  share  in,"  said  he,  turning  spite- 
fully to  one  of  his  ministers,  "  that  occasions  me 
this  disgrace." 

Leopold's  weak  mind  sunk  under  the  burden  of 
such  a  favour;  and  envy  and  spleen,  together  with  a 
sense  of  his  own  littleness,  would  not  allow  him  to 
magnify  his  benefactor  and  the  object  of  his  jealousy 
with  expressions  of  gratitude.  "  A  man  who  re- 
minds us  of  a  favour  cancels  it,"  says  a  pithy  apho- 
rist  ;f  and  to  this  we  might  add,  that  he  who  receives 
a  kindness  ungraciously  doubles  the  obligation.  Rut 
not  so  thought  the  emperor.  In  this  moment,  when 
the  heart  should  have  been  eager  to  pour  forth  its 
gratitude,  he  was  deferring  the  evil  day  by  disgrace- 
ful quibbles  about  the  ceremony  with  which  he  was 
to  receive  Sobieski.  He  inquired  whether  an  elect- 
ive king  ever  had  an  interview  with  an  emperor,  and 
how  he  was  received.  "  Receive  him,"  said  the  Duke 
of  Lorraine,  who  had  been  one  of  Sobieski's  unsuc- 
cessful competitors  for  the  Polish  crown ;  "  receive 

*  This  story  ig  otherwise  paraphrased  by  the  author  of  the  manu- 
script "  Journal  of  the  Siege  of  Vienna"  before  quoted  ;  but  we  are 
rather  skeptical  about  this  work,  as  well  as  the  published  "  Journal,"  and 
not  the  less  about  the  latter,  because  the  distinguished  author  of  the 
*'  Annales  de  PEmpire,"  Voltaire,  gives  credit  to  some  of  its  exaggerated 
statements. 

t  Roche  foucault. 


108  HISTORY    OF   POLAND. 

him  with  open  arms,  since  he  has  preserved  the  em-* 
pire."  The  emperor,  however,  refused  to  give  his 
benefactor  the  right  hand,  and  John  was  too  good- 
natured  and  unceremonious  to  urge  this  point  of  un- 
meaning and  trumpery  etiquette.  At  lengthr  it  was 
agreed  that  the  interview  should  take  place  on  horse- 
back in  the  open  plain,  and  that  they  should  remain 
facing  each  other,  which  would  not  allow  much 
punctilio  in  the  mode  of  salutation. 

At  the  appointed  hour,  John  Sobieski  rode  up  to 
the  emperor  in  the  same  armour  which  he  had  worn 
in  the  defence  of  Vienna,  and  accosted  him  with  the 
ease  of  conscious  but  unassuming  rank.  The  em- 
peror, on  the  contrary,  was  very  distant  and  ceremo- 
nious, and  began  to  recount  in  a  very  ungracious 
manner  the  services  the  Germans  had  rendered  the 
Poles  at  different  periods.  At  length  he  wrung  from 
his  lips  the  word  gratitude  for  the  deliverance  of 
Vienna ;  at  which  Sobieski  merely  remarked,  "  Bro- 
ther, I  am  glad  I  have  done  you  that  small  service." 
The  young  Polish  prince  James  came  up  at  this  mo- 
ment, and  his  father  presented  him  to  Leopold,  with 
these  words,  "  This  is  a  prince  whom  I  am  educating 
for  the  service  of  Christendom."  The  emperor 
merely  nodded,  although  this  was  the  young  man 
whom  he  had  promised  to  make  his  son-in-law. 
One  of  the  Polish  palatines,  stepping  forward  to  kiss 
the  haughty  emperor's  boot,  was  checked  by  So- 
bieski, exclaiming,  "  Palatine,  no  meanness."  The 
interview  was  then  at  an  end. 

Sobieski  was  no  doubt  much  disgusted  with  this 
treatment,  and  felt  inclined  to  return  to  Poland,  but 
his  animosity  to  the  Turks  and  the  hope  of  uniting 
his  son  to  the  house  of  Austria,  made  him  "  digest 
the  venom  of  his  spleen."  He  also  kept  in  mind  the 
adage  of  an  old  Polish  poet,  which  he  quotes  in  one 
of  his  letters  to  the  queen :  "  He  who  cannot  con- 
eeal  his  vexation  makes  himself  a  laughingstock 


LEOPOLD'S  INGRATITUDE.  109 

for  his  enemies:"  and  he  determined  to  prosecute 
the  war.* 

Sobieski  thus  describes  this  singular  meeting : — 
"  I  had  my  interview  with  the  emperor  the  day  be- 
fore yesterday,  that  is,  on  the  15th.  He  arrived  at 
Vienna  some  hours  after  my  departure-! — We  sa- 
luted each  other  politely  enough ;  I  paid  my  com- 
pliments to  him  in  Latin,  and  in  few  words.  He 
answered  me  in  the  same  language  in  picked  terms. 
— I  presented  my  son  to  him,  who  approached 
and  saluted  him.  The  emperor  only  put  his  hand  to 
his  hat. — He  treated  the  senators  and  hetmans, 
and  even  his  relation  the  Prince  Palatine  of  Belz,  in 
the  same  way.  To  avoid  the  scandal  and  comments 
of  the  public,  I  again  addressed  a  few  words  to  the 
emperor,  after  which  I  turned  my  horse ;  we  saluted 
each  other,  and  I  rode  back  to  my  camp.  The  Pala- 
tine of  Russia  showed  our  army  to  the  emperor  as  he 
had  desired  him;  but  our  people  are  very  much 
piqued,  and  complain  highly  that  the  emperor  did  not 
deign  to  thank  them,  except  by  touching  his  hat,  for 
so  many  pains  and  privations.  After  this  separation, 
every  thing  is  suddenly  changed  ;  it  is  as  if  they  did 
not  know  us  any  longer. — They  give  us  no  more 
forage  or  provision." 

Nor  was  Sobieski  the  only  one  who  experienced 
such  treatment:  "  Ingratitude,"  says  Salvandy,  "  was 
the  soul  of  the  imperial  court.  Generals,  vassals, 
and  allies  saw  their  services  condemned  to  the  same 


*  Connor  gives  a  different  account  of  the  interview.  "  Next  day  after 
his  entry,"  says  he,  "  the  emperor  came  to  meet  him,  and  made  him  his 
acknowledgments  with  the  most  endearing  expressions  imaginable, 
while  King  John  received  his  compliments  with  a  modesty  equal  to  his 
courage."— Vol.  i.  let.  iv.  This  is,  however,  one  of  the  unmeaning 
passages  which  are  so  frequent  in  the  doctor's  meager  narrative,  and  he 
places  the  interview  on  the  wrong  day  ;  he  afterward  says  that  the 
Poles  "  were  highly  disgusted  at  the  ill  treatment  they  received  from 
the  Germans."  The  "  Journal  of  the  Siege"  gives  nearly  the  same  ac- 
count, as  might  be  expected. 

t  Sobieski  here  describes,  among  other  things,  all  the  minutiae  of  the 
emperor's  dress. 

K 


110  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

neglect."     All  but  Sobieski  began  to  desert  the 
cause. 

But  Fortune  was  now  going  to  check  for  a  mo- 
ment his  honourable  and  triumphant  career.  A  rem- 
nant of  the  Turkish  troops  was  stationed  atf  the 
bridge  of  Barcan,  on  the  Danube,  and  John  attempted 
to  dislodge  them  without  the  assistance  of  the  impe- 
rial troops ;  in  fact,  they  were  not  very  speedy  in 
following  him.  But  the  Moslems  rushed  on  unex- 
pectedly, and  the  Poles  suddenly  became  disordered 
and  fled.  Sobieski  was  exposed  to  great  danger,  and 
while  carried  away  by  his  unmanageable  horse, 
bruised  and  tired  in  the  scuffle,  he  saw  through  the 
cloud  of  dust  a  young  man  who  was  caught  by  his 
cloak  by  a  Turkish  soldier :  this  was  no  other  than 
his  son.  For  a  moment  he  was  in  awful  suspense, 
expecting  that  he  should  be  the  eyewitness  of  his 
child's  death ;  but  the  young,  prince  fortunately  es- 
caped with  only  the  loss  of  his  cloak. 

The  imperial  troops  came  up  and  saved  the  Poles 
from  further  slaughter,  and  the  great  John  Sobieski, 
the  deliverer  of  Vienna,  was  now  to  be  seen  lying, 
overcome  with  fatigue  and  vexation,  on  a  bundle  of 
hay.  His  son  was  brought  to  him,  and  that  served 
in  some  degree  to  lighten  his  sorrow.  He  however 
addressed  the  German  generals,  who  had  come  so 
opportunely  to  his  rescue,  with  his  characteristic  af- 
fability and  candour.  "  T  confess  I  wanted,"  said  he, 
"  to  conquer  without  you,  for  the  honour  of  my  own 
nation.  J  have  suffered  severely  for  it,  being  soundly 
beaten ;  but  I  will  take  my  revenge  with  you  and  for 
you.  To  effect  this  must  be  the  chief  employment 
of  our  thoughts."  He  also  wrote  to  the  queen  that 
"  he  was  advancing  towards  the  enemy,  and  that  she 
must  expect  they  would  be  defeated,  or  bid  him  fare- 
well for  ever." 

John  soon  came  up  with  the  Turks  again,  and 
wiped  off  his  late  disgrace  ;  after  which,  the  winter 
being  far  advanced,  he  proceeded  over  the  Carpathian 


CHRISTINA'S  LETTER  TO  SOBIESKI.       Ill 

mountains,  and  took  up  his  quarters  at  Cracow  on 
the  24th  of  December,  1683. 

He  was  disgusted  with  the  continual  petty  attacks 
of  jealousy  from  all  quarters ; — of  kings,  generals, 
and  politicians.  How  strikingly  are  his  bitter  feel- 
ings poured  out  in  the  following  words,  which  were 
written  to  the  queen  a  short  time  before  he  began  his 
march  to  Cracow.  "  How  knowingly  these  states- 
men speak  in  their  chimney-corners ;  and  when  they 
happen  to  find  themselves  mistaken  in  their  calcula- 
tions, what  does  it  signify  to  them  1  They  will  re- 
cant, and  that  is  all !  Oh !  I  renounce  altogether  for 
the  future  the  whole  of  these  alliances  and  their 
commands,  even  if  they  were  of  all  Europe!" 
Louis  XIV.,  who,  with  all  his  weakness  and  all  his 
tyranny,  was  considered  as  a  sort  of  deity  in  the 
eyes  of  the  humble  disciples  of  legitimacy,  was  also 
a  "jealous  god,"  and  devoutly  did  all  his  servants 
keep  his  commandment,  "Thou  shalt  have  none 
other  gods  but  me !"  Most  studiously  did  the  French 
official  gazettes  avoid  the  name  of  Sobieski;  but 
glory  like  his  cannot  be  "  hidden  under  a  bushel." 
While  they  attempted  to  decrease  the  honour  of  the 
victory,  by  ascribing  it  to  a  panic  of  the  Turks,  they 
own  that  this  terror  arose  from  their  hearing  the  king 
was  there  in  person.  "  Such,"  says  Salvandy,  "  was 
the  petty  war  of  the  French  politicians  against  John 
Sobieski.  This  is  a  strange  way  of  depressing  his 
glory.  Flattery,  with  all  its  invention,  would  in  vain 
strive  to  equal  this  compliment." 

How  different  was  the  spirit  of  the  letter  written 
to  Sobieski  by  Christina,  the  notorious  ex-queen  of 
Sweden,  then  resident  at  Rome  !  "  I  am  tormented 
with  the  passion  of  envy,  a  trouble  which  is  the  less 
tolerable,  as  it  is  new  to  me.  I  never  envied  any  of 
my  contemporaries  till  to-day.  Your  majesty  alone  is 
an  object  of  envy  to  me,  and  teaches  me  that  I  am 
subject  to  that  feeling  of  which  I  thought  myself 
entirely  incapable." 


112  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

Pope  Innocent  II.,  who  was  too  insignificant  to 
excite  the  envy  either  of  Louis  or  Leopold,  was  made 
the  hero  of  the  grand  day  of  Vienna.  To  his  prayers 
and  money  the  two  monarchs  attributed  the  glorious 
victory.  Leopold,  as  if  to  inflict  on  himself  the  bit- 
terest irony,  caused  medals  to  be  struck  of  himself, 
with  arms  in  his  hand,  saving  the  empire.  He  also 
ordered  a  statue  to  be  erected  to  the  pope,  the  libe- 
rator of  Christianity.  The  silly  old  man  absolutely 
ordered  a  grand  triumphal  procession,  in  which  ban- 
ners were  exhibited,  bearing  the  portraits  of  himself 
and  the  emperor. 

Glory  was  the  only  advantage  the  Poles  obtained 
by  this  memorable  campaign.  Sobieski  wrung  the 
title  of  Majesty,  as  above  mentioned,  from  Leopold, 
and  received  the  unwilling  compliments  of  most  of 
the  European  princes.  Poland  gained  the  alteration 
of  the  title  inclyta  respublica  to  serenissima,  and 
thus  were  Sobieski  and  his  kingdom  rewarded  for 
saving  Austria  and  Eastern  Europe,  by  two  empty 
titles.  The  king's  thanks  were  really  affront,  inso- 
lence, and  breach  of  promise ;  and  Poland  saved  a 
serpent  from  death  which  afterward  turned  and 
stung  her  for  the  kindness.* 

But  these  were  not  the  only  ill  consequences  of 
this  glorious  expedition,  as  we  shall  see  in  the  course 
of  the  history.  The  victory  was  indeed  one  of  those 
grand  convulsions  in  the  polity  of  Europe  which  are 
felt  for  ages.  From  the  famous  12th  of  September, 
the  Turks  never  gained  an  inch  of  ground.  The 
effects  it  had  on  Poland  were  very  different  from 
what  might  be  at  first  anticipated.  "  This  famous 
deliverance  of  invaded  Germany,"  says  one  who 
thought  long  and  deeply  on  the  subject,!  "  became  a 
continual  source  of  troubles :  not  only  had  it  given 

*  Some  striking  comments  on  Sobieski's  policy,  or  rather  impolicy,  to- 
wards the  court  of  Vienna,  may  be  seen  in  Salvandy's  Histoire  de  Po- 
logne  avant  et  sous  le  Roi  Jean  Sobieski,  torn.  iii.  p.  276. 

t  Rulhtere,  torn.  i.  p.  63. 


POLITICAL    TROUBLES.  113 

rise  to  a  war  which  the  republic  was  not  in  a  state  to 
carry  on,  but  it  also  produced  an  alliance  which 
eventually  became  more  fatal  than  the  war  itself." 
The  truth  of  this  will  be  soon  seen. 

The  king  attempted  in  the  following  year,  1684, 
to  make  a  more  profitable  campaign.  Kamieniec- 
Podolski  had  long  been  a  bone  of  contention  to  the 
Poles  and  Turks,  and  was  so  still.  The  latter  people 
had  been  its  masters  some  years,  as  there  has  been 
occasion  to  mention  before  in  the  course  of  this  his- 
tory. It  stands  in  the  south  of  Podolia,  on  the  craggy 
banks  which  form,  as  it  were,  the  joints  of  the  Dnies- 
ter and  one  of  its  tributary  streams.  It  was  from  its 
strength  and  situation  a  place  of  great  importance  to 
the  Poles ;  but  Sobieski  contented  himself  with  erect- 
ing a  small  fort  at  three  miles'  distance  from  it,  and 
returned  to  enjoy  the  sweets  of  peace. 

He  now  rather  incurred  the  displeasure  of  his  sub- 
jects by  taking  a  Jesuit  of  the  name  of  Vota  into  his 
familiarity ;  and  though  it  cannot  be  supposed  from 
John's  treatment  of  that  order  it  was  from  any  par- 
tiality to  the  intriguing  society,  he  allowed  him  in 
conjunction  with  the  queen  to  attain  great  influence 
over  him.  Vota  was  a  man  of  the  world,  well  in- 
formed, and  a  much  more  agreeable  companion  than 
Sobieski  was  accustomed  to  meet  at  his  court  in  that 
age  of  limited  information.  This  preference  gave 
great  umbrage  to  the  Poles,  and  was  probably  the 
cause  of  much  opposition  which  John  now  met  with. 
They  expressed  their  displeasure  in  every  possible 
way,  and,  among  others,  by  a  caricature  of  a  long 
procession  drawn  up  by  a  Jesuit  beating  time  with 
the  king  and  two  other  Jesuits,  who  were  holding  a 
music-book,  to  which  he  seemed  to  pay  great  atten- 
tion. This  silly  burlesque  nettled  Sobieski  extremely, 
— but  an  opposition  of  a  more  substantial  nature  was 
now  preparing  for  him. 

This  great  king  imagined  that  his  privileges  ought 
to  be  somewhat  extended  by  reason  of  his  talents, 
K2 


114  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

and  occasionally  took  the  liberty  of  overstepping  the 
laws  ;  but  this  could  not  be  allowed  by  a  people  so 
devoted  even  to  the  shadow  of  liberty,  and  it  gave 
rise  to  frequent  contention.  In  one  instance  the  king 
convened  the  diet  at  Warsaw  in  February,  1685, 
although  the  law  appointed  it  to  meet  that  year  at 
Grodno  in  Lithuania.  The  Lithuanians,  however,  paid 
no  regard  to  his  summons,  and  held  a  separate  diet 
in  their  own  province,  while  the  Poles  assembled  at 
Warsaw.  Sobieski  was  obliged  to  temporize,  and 
adopted  an  expedient,  with  the  consent  of  the  non- 
contents  to  hold  the  diet  in  Poland  as  a  subordinate 
dietine. 

But  he  was  again  called  to  order  in  this  very  as- 
sembly. He  had  illegally  disposed  of  the  office  of 
grand-chancellor  of  Lithuania  without  announcing 
it  to  the  diet,  and  the  Lithuanians  were  much  nettled 
at  this  stretch  of  prerogative.  Pag,  a  senator,  and 
who  had  expected  to  succeed  to  the  vacant  post,  was 
so  vehement  in"  his  complaints,  that  Sobieski,  for- 
getting every  thing  in  his  rage,  laid  his  hand  on  his 
sword,  and  half-drawing  it,  exclaimed,  "  Do  not 
oblige  me  to  make  you  feel  the  weight  of  my  arm." 
Pag  was  not  to  be  daunted  by  this  gesture  or  ebul- 
lition of  rage,  and  imitating  the  threatening  action, 
retorted,  "  Remember,  that  when  we  were  equals  you 
knew  by  experience  how  capable  I  am  of  dealing  with 
you  in  that  way."  This  was  in  allusion  to  a  duel 
which  they  had  fought  in  their  youih.  It  must  have 
been  a  humiliating  admonition  to  John  Sobieski. 
Nor  was  this  the  only  fracas  of  the  kind  that  oc- 
curred this  session,  for  the  queen,  who  was  perpetu- 
ally intriguing  in  this  way,  made  her  husband  the 
constant  butt  of  his  nobles. 

John  was  no  doubt  glad  of  an  opportunity  to  es- 
cape from  this  scene  of  vexatious  wrangling.  Peace 
was  to  him  no  peace  ;  in  the  camp  he  had  thousands 
at  command,  whereas  in  his  own  palace  he  could 
scarcely  give  his  orders  to  a  menial  without  asking 


WAR    WITH    TURKEY.  115 

leave  from  the  diet ;  on  the  field  of  battle  he  was  an 
absolute  lord  and  the  admiration  of  all,  but  in  his 
council  the  most  illiterate  and  vulgar  of  the  "  plebeian 
nobility"  was  his  superior,  could  ridicule  his  policy, 
and  cross  all  his  designs.  He  therefore  renewed  the 
war  against  the  Turks  for  the  recovery  of  Kamieniec. 
But  the  first  campaign  passed,  and  the  crescent  still 
waved  on  the  walls  of  the  town. 

Mahomet  now  offered,  on  condition  that  Sobieski 
would  secede  from  the  league,  to  restore  Kamieniec 
and  defray  the  expenses  of  the  war.  As  the  recovery 
of  this  place  was  the  only  ostensible  cause  of  the  war, 
had  justice  and  policy  guided  the  councils  of  the  Po- 
lish king,  he  would  have  accepted  the  offer ;  but  the 
artifices  of  his  wife  and  the  Jesuit  Vota,  backed  by 
the  hopes  that  Leopold  held  out  of  making  Walachia 
and  Moldavia  hereditary  sovereignties  in  the  Sobieski 
family,  overbalanced  the  king's  solicitude  for  the  in- 
terest of  his  people,  and  he  rejected  the  proffered 
restitution.  This  unfortunate  and  interested  deter- 
mination was,  probably,  one  of  the  chief  causes  that 
led  the  way  to  the  destruction  of  Poland,  as  it  ulti- 
mately obliged  John  to  enter  into  an  alliance  with 
Russia. 

The  war  went  on,  and  the  several  conflicts  of  this 
campaign  were  a  series  of  studies  which  taught  Prince 
Eugene,  then  abbot  of  Savoy,  the  art  of  war.  They 
were,  however,  of  no  advantage  to  Poland.  The 
only  interesting  occurrence  was  the  king's  halt  at 
the  burying-place  and  fatal  battle-field  of  his  great  an- 
cestor Zolkiewski.  What  must  have  been  his  feel- 
ings when  he  gazed  on  the  pyramid  that  covered  his 
bones,  and  read  one  of  the  inscriptions, "  Learn  of  me, 
how  sweet  and  how  honourable  it  is  to  die  for  one's 
country !" 

After  this  excursion,  or  rather  military  tour,  So- 
bieski retired  to  Leopol,  the  capital  of  Gallicia,  where 
the  Russian  envoys  were  awaiting  him.  In  this  year, 
168C,  on  the  6th  of  May,  he  concluded  a  treaty  with 


116  HISTORY    OF    POLAND 

the  czar,  by  which  he  confirmed  the  alienation  from 
Poland  of  Sraolensko,  Czerniechow,  Kiow,  and  Se- 
veria.*  The  king  had  not  the  permission  of  the 
diet  to  do  so,  although  it  was  required  by  law ;  but 
he  was  paid  down  one  million  of  money,  and  prom- 
ised a  further  remittance, — an  irresistible  offer  to 
Sobieski.  The  ambassadors  were  in  high  credit  with 
the  queen,  and  she  most  probably  exerted  her  influ- 
ence also  on  the  occasion.  This  disgraceful  treaty, 
which  will  ever  be  a  damning  blot  on  Sobieski's 
character,  yielded  to  the  Russians  the  finest  part  of 
the  Ukraine  and  the  beautiful  cities  watered  by  the 
Dnieper.f 

When  the  diet  assembled  in  the  year  1688,  great 
complaints  were  made  of  the  intrigues  of  the  king 
and  his  wife  to  get  their  son  James  nominated  suc- 
cessor to  the  crown;  but  the  queen  had  provided 
against  this  and  other  demurs  which  were  to  be  ex- 
pected, by  engaging  Dombrowski,  one  of  her  parti- 
sans, to  dissolve  the  meeting  by  his  veto.  This  was 
done  without  the  king's  knowledge;  and  he  convened 
a  senatorial  assembly,  or  the  upper  house,  to  debate 
on  the  emergencies  of  state.  But  the  discussion  took 
a  very  different  course  from  what  he  wished :  the 
senators  inveighed  most  bitterly  against  the  queen's 
intrigues  and  the  interested  policy  of  the  king,  and 
called  him  "an  infringer  of  the  laws,  an  oppressor  of 
the  people,  and  an  enemy  to  his  country."  This  was 
strong  language,  but  too  much  like  the  truth;  and 
Sobieski  was  glad  to  dissolve  the  meeting. 

*  These,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  been  only  provisionally  ceded 
by  John  Casimir  in  1667. 

t  This  scandalous  breach  of  privilege  did  not  go  unnoticed  by  the 
Poles,  but  "  in  vain  did  the  nobility  reject  such  a  shameful  treaty,  and 
wish  to  investigate  the  business  with  severity.  The  diet  which  followed 
having  been  broken,  a  year  was  lost;  and  when  in  a  subsequent  year 
another  diet  wished  to  enter  into  the  inquiry,  death  had  carried  off  the 
two  statesmen  whose  informations  they  were  to  take.  The  republic,  dis- 
owning this  treaty,  never  named  any  commissioner  to  regulate  the 
ancient  limits ;  and  until  latter  days  they  have  remained  undetermined, 
a  continual  subject  of  dispute  between  the  two  people,  which  dates  its 
origin  from  this  treaty  of  perpetual  peace."— Rulhitre,  torn.  i.  p.  62  ^ 


POLITICAL    TROUBLES.  117 

Nor  did  his  subjects  without  the  walls  of  the 
senate-house  couch  their  sentiments  in  more  dis- 
guised language.  A  clergyman  was  preaching  before 
the  queen  on  confession,  and  had  the  boldness  to  use 
the  following  language :  "  Kings  confess  only  small 
sins,  and  say  nothing  of  great;  it  is  well  known 
there  is  a  prince  in  the  world  who  thinks  it  no  crime 
to  sell  offices  of  state,  and  to  sacrifice  his  country 
to  his  blind  complaisance  for  a  wife."  Surely  Po- 
land must  have  been  the  head-quarters  of  candour. 

Another  diet  was  convened  in  the  following  year, 
and  the  deputies  were  as  refractoiy  as  before.  They 
reproached  him  with  the  treaty  of  1686,  and  debated 
whether  they  should  retract  it.  Raphael  Leszczyn- 
ski,*  palatine  of  Posnania,  made  very  severe  remarks 
on  the  queen.  "  She  is  exalted,"  said  he,  "  above 
the  rest  of  her  sex  in  spirit  and  abilities ;  but  a  mere 
woman  in  intrigue  and  artifice,"  &c.  Another  sena- 
tor addressed  the  king,  "  Either  cease  to  reign  at  all, 
or  reign  with  justice."  This  was  the  Bishop  of 
Culm,  whom  Sobieski  ordered  to  apologize ;  but  he 
refused,  and  was  supported  by  his  brother  senators. 
John  threatened  to  abdicate,  but  soon  forgot  to  put 
his  threat  into  execution. 

It  was  on  one  of  these  occasions  that  the  great 
man,  enraged  at  the  petty  annoyance  of  factions, 
burst  forth  in  this  eloquent  appeal :  "  It  is  true  they 
have  told  me  there  was  a  remedy  for  the  troubles  of 
the  republic; — that  the  king  should  not  divorce 
liberty,  but  re-establish  it.  *  *  *  Has  he  then  vio- 
lated it  ?  Senators,  this  holy  liberty  in  which  I  was 
born,  and  in  which  I  grew  up,  rests  on  the  faith  of 
my  oaths,  and  I  am  not  a  perjurer.  I  have  devoted 
my  life  to  it ;  from  my  youth,  the  blood  of  all  my 
family  has  taught  me  to  found  my  glory  on  this  de- 
votion. Let  him  who  doubts  it  go  visit  the  tombs 
of  my  ancestors ;  let  him  follow  the  path  to  immor- 

*  He  was  the  father  of  the  future  king  Stanislas. 


118  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 


tality  which  they  have  shown  to  me.  He  will  find, 
by  the  traces  of  their  blood,  the  road  to  the  countiy 
of  the  Tartars,  and  the  deserts  of  Walachia.  He 
will  hear  issuing  from  the  bosom  of  the  earth,  and 
beneath  the  cold  marble,  voices  which  cry,  Let  them 
learn  from  me  how  honourable  and  sweet  it  is  to  die 
for  our  country !  I  could  invoke  the  memory  of  my 
father,  the  glory  he  had,  of  being  called  four  times 
to  preside  in  the  assemblies  in  this  sanctuary  of  our 
laws,  and  the  name  of  buckler  of  liberty  which  he 
deserved.  *  *  *  Believe  me,  all  this  tribunitial  elo- 
quence would  be  better  employed  against  those  who, 
by  their  factions,  invoke  upon  our  country  that  cry 
of  the  prophet  which  I  seem,  alas !  already  to  hear 
resounding  over  our  heads :  '  Yet  forty  days,  and 
Nineveh  shall  be  destroyed!'" 

The  most  remarkable  circumstance  that  occurred 
in  this  session  was  the  trial  of  Lysinski,  a  Lithuanian 
nobleman,  for  atheism.  He  was,  in  fact,  a  religious 
and  benevolent  man,  but  sufficiently  intelligent  to 
ridicule  some  of  the  current  superstitions.  He  was 
unfortunately  rich,  and  that  was  the  principal  wit- 
ness against  him.  The  ground  of  accusation  was  a 
note  which  he  had  made  on  a  book  written  by  a  stupid 
German,  to  prove  the  existence  of  a  Deity.  The 
reasoning  was  inconclusive ;  which  Lysinski  observ- 
ing, wrote  on  the  margin,  ergo  non  est  Deus.  He 
was  tried  by  some  bigoted  Catholic  bishops,  and 
found  guilty,  "  not  only  of  having  denied  the  exist- 
ence of  a  God,  but  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  and 
the  divine  maternity  of  the  Virgin  Mary." 

Zaluski  was  one  of  those  villains  who  were  con- 
cerned in  the  torment,  an  office  which  even  the  most 
degraded  systems  of  theology  have  allotted  to  devils. 
We  will  let  him  condemn  himself  out  of  his  own 
mouth.  "  The  convict  was  led  to  the  scaffold,"  he 
says,  "  where  the  executioner  first,  with  a  red-hot 
iron,  tore  his  tongue  and  his  mouth,  with  which  he 
had  been  cruel  towards  God;  then  they  burnt  his 


POLITICAL    CORRUPTIONS.  119 

hands,  instruments  of  the  abominable  production,  at 
a  slow  fire.  The  sacrilegious  paper  was  thrown 
into  the  flames, — himself  last :  that  monster  of  the 
age,  that  deicide,  was  cast  into  the  flames  of  expia- 
tion, if  such  a  crime  could  be  atoned !"  To  prevent 
his  escape,  they  even  violated  one  of  the  laws,  that 
no  nobleman  is  to  be  apprehended  till  convicted. 
The  king  did  not  interfere  to  stop  the  hellish  execu- 
tion, but  allowed  the  annals  of  Poland,  till  that  time 
so  free  from  the  disgrace  of  persecution,  to  be  now 
sullied.  Even  the  pope  discountenanced  the  inhu- 
man and  unjust  cruelty. 

Nor  were  the  reproaches  of  his  diet  the  only  vex- 
ations John  had  to  endure ;  his  sons,  imitating  the 
intrigues  of  their  father,  gave  him  perpetual  uneasi- 
ness. "  It  will  be  easier  for  me,"  said  he,  when 
setting  out  for  his  last  campaign  in  1691,  "  to  get 
the  better  of  the  enemy  I  am  going  in  quest  of  than 
of  my  own  sons."  This  was  the  last  time  he  un- 
sheathed the  sword,  and  it  was  again  to  no  purpose. 
He  was  now  sixty-one  years  old,  and  two-thirds  of 
that  time  had  been  spent  in  "  the  tented  field."  His 
health  was  broken  with  vexation,  and  his  frame 
shattered  with  his  wounds. 

Sobieski  had  outlived  his  glory;  he  was  now 
nothing  but  a  sick  dotard,  nursed  and  managed  by 
his  wife.  She  was  continually  rendering  her  hus- 
band and  herself  more  and  more  obnoxious  to  the 
people.  She  intrusted  the  care  of  the  king's  health 
to  a  Jesuit,  a  physician  of  the  name  of  Jonas,  and 
engaged  another  of  the  same  persuasion  to  farm  his 
estates.  The  latter,  whose  name  was  Bethsal, 
besides  extorting  great  sums  from  the  Poles,  had 
the  audacity  to  enter  into  a  traffic  of  offices  with  the 
queen's  connivance.  This  excited  the  greatest  in- 
dignation ;  and  a  petty  war  of  brochures  and  carica- 
tures was  begun  to  the  great  annoyance  of  the 
government.  One  of  the  pictures  represented  a 
Foreign  negotiator  counting  out  money  to  Bethsal, 


120  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

who  was  examining  it  very  carefully ;  the  king  com- 
pleted the  group,  and  was  busied  in  secreting  a  por- 
tion of  the  treasure  in  the  corner  of  his  robe.  In 
another  print,  John  appeared  feeble  and  childish,  sit- 
ting on  the  lap  of  a  young  woman,  and  suckled  by 
an  old  one.  He  seemed  to  be  shrinking  under  the 
weight  of  many  crowns,  which  were,  however,  made 
to  appear  tarnished,  and  stripped  of  their  ornaments. 

But  the  public  did  not  content  themselves  with 
these  harmless  attacks;  frequent  attempts  were 
made  to  assassinate  the  hated  publican,  which  he 
frustrated  by  having  in  pay  a  guard  of  thirty  Polish 
nobles.  His  time  came  at  last ;  he  was  disgraced, 
and  died  in  poverty. 

Under  such  a  government  every  thing  was  fast 
verging  to  decay;  the  diets  were  no  sooner  assembled 
than  dissolved,  that  Truth  might  not  be  allowed  a 
hearing;  riots  and  fights  were  substituted  for  debate ; 
the  soldiers  were  clamouring  for  their  arrears,  and 
levying  contributions  on  the  people.  The  generals 
set  at  defiance  all  authority,  and  were  engaged  only 
in  their  own  aggrandizement.  "  All  the  departments 
of  government  which  require  strict  superintendence, 
such  as  the  command  of  the  troops  and  the  manage- 
ment of  the  revenue,  intrusted  to  generals  and  minis- 
ters independent  of  all  authority  but  that  of  the  diet, 
were  without  control."*  Happily  for  Sobieski,  he 
was  not  doomed  to  witness  the  consequences  of  this 
villanous  administration;  death  came  kindly  and 
laid  low  his  gray  locks  with  their  withered  laurels, 
before  the  rude  hand  of  rebellion  had  succeeded  in 
tearing  them  from  his  brow. 

The  17th  of  June,  1696,  was  his  last  day  of  trouble. 
He  revived  for  a  few  moments  from  his  insensibility 
only  to  regret  that,  he  was  alive  again.  "  I  was  then 
well,"  said  he ;  a  sad  confession  of  misguided  hero- 
ism, effete  renown,  and  disappointed  ambition ! 

*  Rulhtere. 


DEATH  AND  CHARACTER  OF  SOBIESKI.         121 

When  the  mighty  is  fallen,  the  most  low  and  das- 
tardly will  stride  over  his  body  to  see  "  where  his 
great  strength  lay,"  and  descant  on  his  weakness. 


--  aXoi  (5f  rrepWpapiov  vie?  'A%ai5i/, 
Ol  KOI  OrjrjoavTO  0uiV  Kai  eldos  ayrjrov 
"EKTOpoj*  ou6'  apa  01  rtj  avovrrjrt  ye  napfffTij" 

The  vulture  will  feed  on  the  dead  lion,  and  the  car- 
rion crow  will  peck  at  the  stranded  whale.  The 
corpse  of  Sobieski  furnishes  the  same  treat  for  those 
birds  of  prey,  the  petty  critic  and  the  musty  moral- 
ist. But  Fame  puts  her  finger  on  her  lips  as  she 
points  to  the  death-bed  of  John  Sobieski.  Those 
tattered  Turkish  banners,  as  they  sprinkle  their  dust 
on  the  cold  corpse  of  the  hero  beneath,  awaken  more 
thought  and  solemn  reflection  in  one  glance,  than 
the  tongue  could  exhaust  in  hours. 

In  his  person,  says  his  physician,*  "  he  was  a  tall 
and  corpulent  prince,  large-faced,  and  full-eyed,  and 
went  always  in  the  same  dress  with  his  subjects.''! 
His  character  is  portrayed  in  his  political  career,  and 
his  actions  speak  for  themselves.  In  war  he  was  a 
lion,  but  in  peace  he  was  the  plaything  of  others. 
Had  he  lived  in  the  age  of  barbarous  heroism,  he 
would  have  been  a  Hercules  bending  before  an  Om- 
phale. 

Glorious  as  the  reign  of  Sobieski  had  been  in 
many  particulars,  it  has  had  a  most  pernicious  effect 
on  the  destiny  of  Poland.  This  is,  fully  exemplified 
in  the  preceding  pages,  and  the  melancholy  truth 
will  but  too  often  present  itself  to  the  thinking  mind 

*  Connor. 

t  "  The  king  was  a  well-spoken  prince,  of  very  easy  access,  and 
extremely  civil,  and  had  most  of  the  good  qualities  requisite  in  a  gentle- 
man ;  he  was  not  only  well  versed  in  military  affairs,  but  likewise  in 
all  polite  and  scholastic  learning  ;  besides  his  own  tongue,  the  Sclavo- 
nian,  he  understood  the  Latin,  French,  Italian,  German,  and  Turkish 
languages;  he  delighted  much  in  natural  philosophy,  and  in  all  parts 
of  physic  ;  he  used  to  reprimand  the  clergy  for  not  admitting  in  the 
universities  and  schools  the  modern  philosophy  ;  he  loved  to  hear  oer- 
sons  discourse  of  these  matters."—  Connor,  let.  iv 

L 


122  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

in  the  subsequent  narrative.  Similar  remarks  are 
applicable  to  the  state  of  learning  in  this  period. 
More  books,  perhaps,  were  printed  now  than  in  the 
two  preceding  reigns,  and  there  were  more  literary 
names ;  but  it  was  all  the  conventual  learning  of  the 
Jesuits.  Sobieski  himself  was  a  patron  of  learning, 
and  many  are  found  who  extol  his  talents  and  spirit 
of  inquiry;  but  his  philosophical  conversations, 
which  they  adduce  in  proof,*  are  evidences  indeed 
of  his  love  of  knowledge,  but  neither  of  a  very  free- 
thinking  nor  free-spirited  mind.  It  would  scarcely 
be  going  too  far,  perhaps,  to  say  that  this  would  also 
give  a  tolerably  just  estimate  of  the  literary  and  sci- 
entific character  of  the  whole  of  the  Polish  nation 
under  his  administration. 


CHAPTER  V. 

iugustns  II.,  Elector  of  Saxony,  raises  himself  to  the  Throne— De- 
tains his  Saxon  Troops  in  Poland — Makes  Peace  with  Turkey— At- 
tempts to  seize  Livonia — Forms  an  Alliance  with  Peter  the  Great  of 
Russia— Defea  by  Charles  XII.  of  Sweden— Dethroned  by  Charles 
XII. — Stanislas  raised  to  the  Throne — Augustus  resumes  the  Crown, 
and  is  again  deposed— Charles  defeated  at  Pultowa— Augustus  reas- 
cends  the  Throne — Charles  XII.  Prisoner  in  Turkey — Returns  to 
Sweden — Attempt  to  assassinate  Stanislas— Death  of  Charles— Op- 
pression of  the  Protestants— Death  of  Augustus. 

SOBIESKI  and  his  intrigues,  so  long  a  stumbling- 
block  of  offence  in  the  eyes  of  the  Poles,  were  no 
more  ;  but  the  rancour  and  vehemence  of  contention 
still  survived.  A  people  in  this  dissentient  state  of 
feeling  were  not  likely  to  be  calm,  impartial  adjudi- 
cators. While  the  most  powerful  Polish  and  foreign 
interests  were  nullifying  each  other  by  opposition,  a 
noble  of  inferior  rank  and  influence  started  a  new 

*  One  of  these  metaphysical  discussions  is  given  by  Connor 


AUGUSTUS  DECLARED  KING.        123 

candidate,  and  carried  his  point.  This  was  no  other 
than  John  Przependowski,  Castellan  of  Culm,  who 
had  first  united  with  the  Prince  of  Conti,  one  of  the 
most  popular  of  the  candidates  for  the  Polish  crown. 
But  he  wished  to  derive  some  profit  from  his  vote,* 
and  finding  the  prince's  finances  exhausted,  he  looked 
round  the  different  courts  for 'another  patron.  He 
was  bold  and  born  for  intrigue,  and  therefore  well 
adapted  for  his  present  purpose.  He  had  married  the 
daughter  of  General  Flemming,  who  was  then  in  high 
favour  with  Frederic  Augustus,  Elector  of  Saxony, 
and  afterward  his  prime  minister.  This  connexion 
brought  him  in  contact  with  the  elector,  whom  he 
found  just  suited  for  his  design.  Augustus  was  a 
young,  wealthy,  ambitious  monarch :  "  No  prince 
was  ever  more  generous,"  says  Voltaire,  "gave 
more,  or  accompanied  his  gifts  with  so  much  grace." 
His  religion,  professedly  the  Lutheran,  stood  in  the 
way ;  but  there  is  something  that  will  remove  more 
mountains  than  faith,  and  it  was  opportunely  remem- 
bered that  the  young  elector  had  recanted  the  re-v, 
formed  belief  two  years  before,  during  a  sojourn  at 
Rome,  and  he  was  now  as  good  a  Catholic  as  the 
Poles  or  the  pacta  conventa  could  rec$$:e. 

Money  purchased  Augustus  plenty  of  votes,  but  as 
he  was  late  in  the  field,  there  were  some  too  firmly 
engaged  by  the  Prince  of  Conti  to  be  decently  trans- 
ferred. The  consequence  was,  that  on  the  27th  of 
June,  1697,  both  were  elected  by  their  different  par- 
tisans, the  archbishop  declaring  Conti  king,  and  the 
bishop  of  Kuiavia  Augustus.  But  notwithstanding 
the  informality  of  the  latter  election,  nothing  was  to 
be  said  to  the  10,000  Saxons,  with  whom  he  came  to 
take  possession  of  his  kingdom ;  he  was  acknow- 
ledged king,  and  the  Prince  of  Conti  sailed  back  to 
France  unanointed. 


*  See  Hist,  des  Revolutions  de  Pologne,  par  M.  I'Abbe  Fontaine*, 
torn.  U.  p.  128. 


124  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

But  Augustus  had  not  yet  been  crowned,  a  cere- 
mony essentially  requisite  to  invest  him  with  full 
authority ;  and  he  was  anxious  that  it  should  take 
place.  There  was  some  difficulty  even  in  this; 
all  the  regalia  were  locked  up  in  the  treasury  at 
Cracow  in  the  keeping  of  officers  in  Conti's  in- 
terest. The  law  forbade  breaking  open  the  doors, 
but  the  Saxons  "  laughed  at  locksmiths"  and  broke 
down  the  wall.  It  was  also  necessary  that  the  arch- 
bishop should  perform  the  ceremony,  but  he  also 
was  in  the  other  interest ;  the  diocess  was  therefore 
declared  vacant,  and  newly  filled.  There  was  still 
another  impediment ; — the  funeral  of  the  late  king 
ought  to  precede  the  inauguration,  and  the  corpse 
was  in  the  hands  of  Conti's  party  at  Warsaw ;  but 
the  Saxons  substituted  an  effigy,  and  the  coronation 
was  solemnized,  and  the  elector  proclaimed  king 
under  the  title  of  Augustus  II.*  It  was  observed 
that  the  king  fainted  during  the  formalities,  as  if 
his  heart  failed  him  at  the  thoughts  of  the  charge  he 
was  taking  on  himself. 

This  forced  election  was  the  first  of  the  disgrace- 
ful series  of  events  which  laid  the  yoke  on  the  necks 
of  the  Poles,  and  at  last  rendered  them  mere  bonds- 
men. Since  this  period  Poland  has  always  received 
her  kings  under  the  compulsion  of  foreign  arms.f 
The  czar  and  the  King  of  Sweden  even  offered  to 
support  the  present  election ;  but  Augustus  found 
that  he  and  his  Saxons  were  sufficiently  strong  to 
fight  their  own  battles. 

The  pacta  conventa  required  Augustus  to  dismiss 
his  own  troops ;  but  he  was  too  prudent  to  trust 
himself  to  subjects  who  were  not  yet  reconciled  to 
his  "  usurpation,"  and  looked  about  for  a  pretext  to 
retain  them.  This  was  readily  found ;  he  employed 
them  against  the  Turks,  and  the  Poles  were  satisfied. 

*  The  first  Augustus  was  Sigismund  Augustus. 
tRulhi&re. 


ALLIANCE  WITH  PETER.  ]  25 

But  this  war  was  ended  by  the  treaty  of  Carlowitz,* 
in  January,  1 699,  and  the  king  was  obliged  to  find  them 
another  occupation.  This  also  too  soon  presented 
itself.  Sweden  was  now  under  the  government  of 
a  minor,t  and  as  Poland  had  long  looked  with  a 
lingering  eye  on  Livonia,  which  had  been  ceded 
by  the  treaty  of  Oliva,  in  John  Casimir's  time,  he 
thought  it  would  be  a  favourable  juncture  to  at- 
tempt its  recovery ;  and  the  service  of  the  Saxons 
in  that  undertaking  would  make  the  Poles  forgive 
their  intrusion.  He  attempted  it  entirely  at  his  own 
risk,  without  the  concurrence  of  the  Poles,  and  in 
fact  in  direct  opposition  to  some  of  their  representa- 
tions. The  bishop  who  had  crowned  him  told  the 
king,  "  his  attack  on  Sweden  was  a  gross  violation 
of  the  rights  of  nations  and  of  equity,  which  the 
Almighty  would  not  fail  to  punish ;"  a  judgment, 
says  the  historian,  which  seems  to  be  dictated  by 
the  spirit  of  divination. 

His  first  attempt  was  not  so  successful  as  he  had 
anticipated,  and  he  engaged  Peter  the  Great,  Czar  of 
Russia,  to  assist  him.  Peter  entered  very  willingly 
into  the  plan ;  he  wished  to  found  a  port  on  the  east 
of  the  Baltic ;  Ingria,  the  north-east  part  of  Livonia, 
seemed  just  adapted  for  it,  and  he  thought  it  would 
pay  him  very  well  for  his  share  of  the  enterprise. 
The  meeting  took  place  on  the  26th  of  February, 
1701  at  Eirze,J  a  small  town  in  the  palatinate  of 
Wilna  in  Lithuania.  But  the  monarchs  did  not 
devote  the  time  solely  to  business ;  drunkenness  and 
debauchery  seemed  a  fit  preparative  for  such  in- 
iquitous treaties.  For  fifteen  days  Peter  the  Great, 
the  civilizer  of  Russia,^  and  Augustus  were  in  a  con- 
tinued state  of  intoxication.  The  contract  was 

*  By  this  treaty  the  Poles  regained  Kamieniec,  but  gave  up  their  en- 
croachment in  Moldavia,  &c. 

t  Charles  XII.,  then  not  eighteen. 

i  Commonly  known  by  the  name  of  Birzen. 

$  "  The  czar,"  says  Voltaire,  "  who  could  reform  his  nation,  could 
never  correct  in  himself  his  dangerous  propensity  to  debauchery." 

Li 


126  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

made  in  the  midst  of  such  a  scene ;  an  unjust  war, 
which  deprived  thousands  of  their  husbands,  fathers, 
brothers,  and  sons,  was  made  the  freak  of  a  drunken 
revel. 

But  Charles,  the  young  Swedish  monarch,  although 
only  eighteen,  was  not  to  be  made  the  tame  victim 
of  such  flagrant  injustice.  He  was  apprized  of  their 
designs,  and  chose  to  anticipate  them.  He  had 
routed  the  Russians  at  Narva  in  the  preceding  year, 
and  made  even  Moscow  tremble.  But  Justice  fought 
for  him,  and  his  soldiers  were  animated  by  the  ex- 
ample of  their  youthful  hero.  These  were  the  troops 
whom  the  Russian  savages  called"  terrible,  insolent, 
enraged,  dreadful,  untameable  destroyers."*  He 
then  marched  against  the  Saxons  in  Livonia,  and 
came  up  to  them  on  the  banks  of  the  Dwina.  The 
river  was  very  wide  at  the  spot  and  difficult  to  pass, 
but  Charles  was  never  to  be  daunted.  He  caused 
large  boats  to  be  prepared  with  high  bulwarks  to  pro- 
tect the  men,  and  observing  that  the  wind  was  in  the 
enemy's  face,  lit  large  fires  of  wet  straw,  and  the 
smoke  spreading  along  the  banks  of  the  river,  con- 
cealed his  operations  from  the  Saxons.  He  directed 
the  passage  himself,  which  was  effected  in  a  quarter 
of  an  hour,  and  he  was  much  mortified  at  being  only 
the  fourth  to  land.  He  rallied  his  troops  and  routed 
the  Saxons.  He  did  not  stop  till  he  arrived  at  Birze, 
the  town  where  Augustus  and  the  czar  had  planned 
the  expedition.  He  felt,  he  owned,  a  satisfaction  at 
entering  Birze  as  a  conqueror,  where  the  leagued 
monarchs  had  conspired  his  ruin  some  few  months 
before. 

What  a  different  scene  was  the  court  of  the  water- 
drinker  Charles  from  that  which  the  drunken  Peter 
had  held  here  !  and  the  difference  did  not  pass  unno- 
ticed. As  the  young  warrior  was  sitting  in  this  place 
one  day  at  table,  observing  his  usual  sobriety,  and 

*  See  the  public  prayer  used  by  the  Russians  after  their  defeat.— 
VoJtaire,  Hist  of  Charles  XIL 


REVERSES    OF   AUGUSTUS.  127 

apparently  buried  in  his  grand  designs,  a  German 
colonel,  who  wa?  in  waiting,  remarked  in  his  hearing, 
that  the  feasts  which  the  czar  and  Augustus  had 
made  here  were  very  unlike  his  majesty's.  "  Yes," 
said  the  king,  starting  up,  "  and  I  shall  make  them 
digest  them  less  easily."  From  that  moment  the 
dethronement  of  Augustus  was  fixed. 

The  news  of  Charles's  approach  was  nearly  as 
agreeable  to  most  of  the  Poles  as  it  was  terrible  to 
Augustus;  they  considered  him  as  their  champion 
against  the  tyrannical  and  intruding  Saxons.  The 
primate  wrote  to  the  Swedish  king,  assuring  him  of 
this  feeling;  and  Charles  expressed  himself  as  the 
friend  of  Poland,  although  the  enemy  of  their  sove- 
reign. Augustus  was  aware  of  this,  and  dismissed 
the  Saxon  troops,  to  regain  the  favour  of  his  subjects. 
This  step  had  the  desired  effect  for  a  time:  the 
primate,  traitor  as  he  was  to  both  parties  at  heart, 
pretended  to  rouse  the  king's  awakening  popularity 
which  he  could  not  check ;  and  the  people  were  so 
gratified  by  the  concession,  that  most  of  the  influ- 
ential palatines  swore  to  defend  their  sovereign  to  the 
death.  This  adherence  to  their  falling  monarch  was 
daily  increasing,  when  unfortunate  dissensions  in 
Lithuania  once  more  severed  the  bond  of  union. 
That  province  had  been  divided  into  two  contending 
factions  ever  since  the  death  of  Sobieski ;  and  party- 
spirit  had  run  so  high  that  the  contest  became  quite 
a  civil  war.  The  family  of  Sapieha,  the  great 
general  of  Lithuania,  and  that  of  Oginski,  the  great 
standard-bearer,  were  the  leading  interests.  As 
long  as  the  Saxons  remained  in  Lithuania,  Sapieha 
was  protected  from  the  violence  of  Oginski,  who  was 
backed  by  most  of  the  nobility ;  but  after  their  de- 
parture, he  and  his  adherents  were  left  exposed,  so 
that  their  only  alternative  was  to  make  the  Swedes 
their  protectors.  Under  these  circumstances  Au- 
gustus could  offer  but  little  opposition  to  Charles,  and 
a  deputation  was  sent  to  the  Swedish  monarch,  with 


128  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

proposals  for  peace.  "  I  will  make  peace  at  War- 
saw," was  the  young  but  firm  warrior's  answer;  and 
at  the  same  time  he  added,  that  he  came  to  make  war 
on  Augustus  the  usurper,  and  his  Saxons,  and  not 
against  the  Poles.  <• 

Augustus  now  saw  the  tide  was  against  him, 
and  despaired  of  gaining  his  point  by  direct  sailing; 
he  therefore  tried  another  tack.  He  felt  the  inutility 
of  ministerial  persuasion  on  the  Swedish  monarch ; 
but  Charles  was  young,  and  youth,  he  thought,  might 
listen  to  the  wiles  of  beauty,  although  it  turned  a 
deaf  ear  to  the  arguments  of  bearded  lips.  The 
Countess  of  Konigsmark*  seemed  eminently  quali- 
fied to  try  the  experiment  of  laying  siege  to  the 
inflexible  warrior's  heart.  She  was  beautifuL 
talented,  and  witty,  mistress  of  foreign  languages, 
and  well  skilled  in  the  tact  of  conversation.  She 
was,  besides,  of  Swedish  birth,  had  considerable 
estates  in  Sweden,  and  was  familiar  with  that  court ; 
so  that  she  seemed  to  have  a  claim  on  the  entree  to 
Charles's  audience-chamber.  She  accordingly  re- 
paired to  the  enemy's  camp  in  Lithuania ;  but  had  the 
mortification  to  find  that  all  her  beauty  and  accom- 
plishments were  lost  on  the  Swedish  monarch,  for 
he  obstinately  refused  to  see  her.  She  waylaid  him, 
pursued  him,  dodged  him  in  his  rides,  but  the  rough 
Adonis  still  escaped  from  his  artful  Venus.  At 
length,  one  day,  she  plotted  so  well  that  she  pounced 
upon  him  in  a  narrow  lane,  and  was  at  his  feet  before 
he  was  aware  of  it :  the  insensible  king  saluted  her 
without  speaking  a  word,  turned  his  horse's  head, 
and  was  out  of  sight  in  an  instant. 

His  last  and  most  sanguine  hope  being  blighted, 
Augustus  felt  that  all  was  lost,  and  that  his  kingdom 
had  departed  from  him.  But  he  yet  fought  up  against 
fortune  :  he  had  privately  recalled  his  Saxons,  and 
then  assembling  all  the  troops  he  could,  mustered 

*  She  was  one  of  the  mistresses  of  Augustus,  and  mother  of  Marshal 
Saxe. 


SUCCESS    OF    CHARLES    XII.  129 

nearly  34,000  men.  Augustus  now  found  himself  in 
that  perplexing  dilemma  in  which  all  kings  who 
thrust  themselves  upon  a  people  by  force  are  always 
at  some  period  deservedly  placed.  The  Poles,  at 
best  only  lukewarm  in  his  cause,  were  converted  into 
ardent  enemies  by  this  recall  of  the  Saxons.  While 
Augustus  was  engaged  in  marching  from  palatinate 
to  palatinate,  to  canvass  his  partisans,  Charles 
pushed  on  unopposed  to  Warsaw,  which  capitulated 
on  the  first  summons,  on  the  5th  of  May,  1702.  Au- 
gustus, however,  marshalled  his  troops  in  the  plain 
of  Klissow,  and  waited  for  the  arrival  of  the  Swedes 
to  fight  for  his  crown.  Even  now  his  army  doubled 
that  of  Charles ;  but  the  Poles,  who  composed  the 
greater  part  of  it,  did  not  engage  willingly.  Au- 
gustus indeed  fought  bravely;  but  in  vain  did  he  rally 
his  troops :  three  times  they  again  recoiled.  Fortune 
still  frowned  on  the  Polish  monarch,  and  he  fled 
towards  Cracow.  An  accident  favoured  his  escape, 
and  prolonged  the  struggle : — Charles  had  a  fall  from 
his  horse  as  he  was  pursuing  him,  and  was  detained 
in  bed  six  weeks  on  his  march.  Augustus  made 
good  use  of  this  respite,  reassembled  his  troops,  and 
prepared  for  another  battle;  but  discontent  and  rebel- 
lion thinned  his  ranks:  the  Poles  dreaded  further 
opposition  to  the  formidable  invader,  and  began  to 
fall  into  his  will,  in  consenting  to  raise  to  the  throne 
James  Sobieski,  the  eldest  son  of  their  late  monarch. 
Against  such  numerous  enemies,  no  resistance  could 
be  offered:  protraction  of  the  war  was  useless, 
for  difficulties  only  stimulated  the  Swedish  hero. 
"Should  I  have  to  stay  here  fifty  years,"  said  he, 
"  I  will  not  go  till  I  have  dethroned  the  King  of 
Poland."  Augustus  therefore  fled  to  Saxony,  taking 
however  the  precaution  to  secure  the  persons  of 
James  Sobieski  and  his  brother  Constantine. 

The  throne  being  thus  vacated,  it  only  remained 
for  Charles  to  fill  it ;  but  he  was  for  some  time  unde- 
termined who  should  be  the  chosen  person.  His 


130  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

counsellors  advised  him  to  step  into  it  himself;  but 
fate,  in  the  shape  of  military  glory,  diverted  him  from 
that  design.  He  first  fixed  on  Alexander,  Sobieski's 
third  son.  He,  however,  only  wished  for  the  enlarge- 
ment of  his  brothers,  and  to  revenge  them,  having 
none  of  the  libidinem  dominandi ;  and  it  was  in  vain 
that  the  King  of  Sweden  and  the  nobles  entreated 
him  to  change  his  mind ;  he  was  immoveable.  The 
neighbouring  princes,  says  Voltaire,  knew  not  whom 
to  admire  most,  the  King  of  Sweden,  who  at  the  age 
of  twenty-two  years  gave  away  the  crown  of  Poland, 
or  the  Prince  Alexander,  who  refused  it. 

But  kingdoms  do  not  long  go  begging;  and  all 
men  are  not  so  disinterested  as  Alexander  Sobieski. 
When  Charles  told  young  Stanislas  Leszczynski,  the 
Polish  deputy,  that  the  republic  could  not  be  de- 
livered from  its  troubles  without  an  election ; — "  But 
whom  can  we  elect,"  said  Stanislas,  "now  James 
and  Constantine  Sobieski  are  captives  ?"  The  king 
looked  with  an  eye  of  scrutiny  at  his  interrogator, 
and  thought  to  himself,  "  Thou  art  the  man !"  He, 
however,  deferred  that  answer  until  he  had  further 
examined  his  young  protege. 

Stanislas  was  descended  from  an  illustrious  Polish 
family ;  his  father  was  crown-treasurer  and  Palatine 
of  Posnania,  to  which  latter  office  his  son  succeeded. 
He  added  to  innate  talent  the  polish  of  education, 
and  commerce  with  society  both  at  home  and  abroad. 
"Stanislas  Leszczynski,"  said  one  of  his  contem- 
poraries, "the  son  of  the  grand-treasurer  of  the 
crown,  is  regarded  among  us  as  the  honour  of  our 
country.  A  happy  facility  of  manners  makes  him 
win  his  way  to  all  hearts."  He  was  courageous, 
and  at  the  same  time  mild  in  his  disposition,  and  had 
a  very  prepossessing  appearance.  In  fact,  Charles 
was  so  much  struck  with  him,  that  he  said  aloud  he 
had  never  seen  a  man  so  fit  to  conciliate  all  parties. 
He  was  also  sufficiently  hardy  and  inured  to  service 
to  please  the  rough  king  in  that  respect ;  and  after 


ELECTION  OF  STANISLAS.         131 

the  conference  the  Swedish  monarch  exclaimed, 
"  There  is  a  man  who  shall  always  be  my  friend !" 
and  Stanislas  was  King  of  Poland. 

But  the  formality  of  election  was  observed,  al- 
though it  was,  in  fact,  nothing  but  a  ratification  of 
Charles's  choice.  Many  other  candidates  were  also 
nominated ;  and  though  Stanislas  was  the  most  popu- 
lar among  them  as  well  as  the  nominee  of  the  lord 
of  the  ascendant,  the  primate,  Radzieiowski,  objected 
to  him,  ostensibly  on  account  of  his  youth.  "  What  ?" 
said  Charles.  "He  is  too  young,"  answered  the 
primate.  "  He  is  not  so  young  as  myself,"*  replied 
the  king,  impatiently,  and  he  sent  the  Swedish  count, 
Horn,  to  Warsaw  to  enforce  the  election.  Horn 
met,  however,  with  some  resistance  from  the  inde- 
pendent Poles.  "Are  we  assembled,"  said  one  of 
the  nobles,  "  to  act  in  concert  for  the  ruin  of  Poland, 
whose  glory  and  safety  depend  wholly  on  the  free- 
dom of  the  people  and  the  liberty  of  the  constitu- 
tion ]  Let  our  independence  be  our  first  care,  then 
let  us  think  of  an  election.  Shall  we  call  that 
revolution  legitimate  which  springs  from  fear  of 
being  hewn  down  by  the  troops  of  armed  foreigners 
who  surround  us,  and  insult  the  dignity  of  the  republic 
with  their  presence?"  Several  nobles,  roused  by 
this  appeal,  entered  their  protests,  which,  according 
to  law,  would  check  the  election;  but  this  trifling 
opposition  was  disregarded,  the  Swedes  shouted, 
"  Long  live  Stanislas  Leszczynski,  King  of  Poland !" 
and  the  election  was  registered.  The  constitution 
was  certainly  infringed  by  the  Swedish  influence, 
but  Augustus  was  not  a  fit  person  to  complain  of 
unconstitutional  acts. 

Stanislas  was  no  sooner  seated  on  the  throne,  and 
enjoying  the  honeymoon  of  royalty  at  Warsaw, 
than  the  alarm-bell  sounded,  arid  Augustus,  with  an 
army  of  20,000  Saxons,  was  seen  marching  to  regain 

*  Charles  was  twenty-two,  and  Stanislas  twenty-seven 


132  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

his  capital.  The  city  was  unfortified,  and  the  new 
king  was  obliged  to  flee  with  his  family  to  their 
protector,  Charles.  The  work  of  dethronement  was 
now  to  he  all  done  over  again.  The  Swedish 
monarch  had  not  lost  any  of  his  activity;  he  pver- 
took  Augustus  unexpectedly  in  Posnania,  and  a  battle 
was  fought  at  Punitz,  on  the  borders  of  Silesia. 
The  Saxon  army  consisted  almost  entirely  of  foot, 
whereas  the  enemy  were  all  cavalry.  Augustus 
now  first  showed  modern  tacticians  that  it  is  not 
impossible  for  infantry  to  withstand  the  charge  of 
cavalry.  Schullemburg  directed  the  evolutions,  and 
he  was  not  unworthily  supported  by  the  king,  although 
he  had  received  five  wounds.  The  Saxons  found 
the  utility  of  that  military  disposition  which  British 
generals  have  adopted  in  late  wars,  and  on  which 
they  have  so  much  prided  themselves.  They  formed 
themselves  into  solid  bodies,  presenting  on  all  sides 
a  hedge  of  bayonets.  The  Swedish  cavalry  in  vain 
attempted  to  break  their  ranks;  the  Saxons  stood 
their  ground  till  night-fall,  although  inferior  in  num- 
ber, and  made  good  their  retreat.  This  was  cer- 
tainly no  contemptible  specimen  of  the  military 
talents  of  Augustus,  although  a  great  portion  of  the 
credit  is  of  course  to  be  given  to  the  skill  of 
Schullemburg. 

The  Saxon  army  retreated,  and  the  Swedes  fol- 
lowed and  overtook  them  again  on  the  banks  of  the 
Oder.  Charles  now  imagined  they  must  fall  into 
his  hands,  as  they  were  unprovided  with  pontoons 
or  boats  to  effect  the  passage,  but  in  this  he  was 
mistaken.  Schullemburg  passed  his  whole  army 
over  during  the  night  with  a  very  trifling  loss ;  and 
Charles  himself  was  obliged  to  own  that  "  To-day 
Schullemburg  has  the  better  of  us." 

Notwithstanding  all  this  display  of  courage  and 
tactics,  Augustus  could  not  support  his  falling  for- 
tune, and  again  withdrew  to  Saxony.  Charles,  tired 
of  having  to  fight  his  battles  over'again  so  often  in 


ABDICATION    OF    AUGUSTUS.  133 

Poland,  resolved  to  put  an  end  to  the  Saxons'  occa- 
sional excursions,  by  carrying  the  war  into  their 
own  country.  Augustus  now  began  to  tremble ;  the 
Swedish  king  could  as  easily  appoint  a  new  elector 
as  a  new  king.  To  avoid  these  consequences  he 
submitted  to  the  conditions  Charles  imposed.  These 
were,  to  resign  all  pretensions  to  the  crown  of  Poland, 
to  break  off  all  treaties  against  Sweden,  and  to  set  at 
liberty  the  two  Sobieskis. 

After  these  preliminaries  were  settled,  Charles 
and  the  ex-king  had  an  interview  at  a  place  called 
Guttersdorp,  or  Gutersdorf.  The  Swedish  king  \vas 
as  usual  in  his  military  uniform,  a  coarse  blue  coat 
with  gilt  buttons  and  jack-boots.  The  conversation, 
as  may  be  imagined,  was  not  very  lively;  they  were 
not  so  friendly  disposed  to  each  other  as  to  chat 
without  reserve.  Besides,  Charles  was  no  talker, 
and  most  probably  his  taciturnity  was  a  cover  for 
his  want  of  information.  The  only  subject  he  started 
for  the  amusement  of  Augustus  was  his  jack-boots. 
These  he  gravely  assured  him  had  never  been  off 
his  legs  for  six  years,  except  when  he  lay  down. 
That  men  who  can  find  nothing  to  talk  about  but 
jack-boots  should  rule  the  destinies  of  millions ! 

But  at  length  the  Swedish  monarch  began  a 
theme  even  more  distasteful  to  Augustus  than  jack- 
boots. He  required  him  to  write  Stanislas  a  letter 
of  congratulation  on  his  accession  to  the  throne :  this 
was,  indeed,  making  the  ex-king  feel  his  debase- 
ment. The  letter  ran  as  follows : 

"  SIRE  AND  BROTHER, 

"  We  have  not  considered  it  necessary  to  enter 
into  a  private  correspondence  with  your  majesty; 
nevertheless,  to  please  his  Swedish  majesty,  and  that 
they  may  not  charge  us  with  any  disinclination  to 
satisfy  his  wish,  we  congratulate  you  hereby  on  your 
accession  to  the  crown,  and  hope  that  you  will  find 
in  your  country  more  faithful  subjects  than  those  we 
M 


134  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

have  left  there.  Everybody  will  do  us  the  justice 
to  believe  that  we  have  been  paid  by  ingratitude  for 
all  our  benefits,  and  that  most  of  our  subjects  have 
only  exerted  themselves  to  hasten  our  ruin.  We 
hope  that  you  may  not  be  exposed  to  like  misfor- 
tunes, recommending  you  to  God's  protection. 
"  Your  brother  and  neighbour, 

"  AUGUSTUS,  King." 
"Dresden,  April  8, 1707." 

To  this  Stanislas  replied, — 

"  SIRE  AND  BROTHER, 

"Your  majesty's  communication  is  to  me  a  fresh 
obligation  from  the  King  of  Sweden.  I  feel  obliged 
for  your  congratulation  on  my  ascent  to  the  throne  ; 
I  trust  that  my  subjects  will  never  have  reason  to  be 
wanting  in  their  fidelity  to  me,  as  I  shall  observe  the 
laws  of  the  kingdom. 

"  STANISLAS,  King  of  Poland." 

In  the  mean  time  Peter  the  Great  was  not  idle ; 
he  felt  much  aggrieved  that  Augustus  had  capitu- 
lated without  his  knowledge ;  but  he  forgave  him  on 
hearing  how  severely  he  was  already  punished  by 
the  hard  conditions  of  the  treaty.  The  Russians, 
under  the  command  of  Menzikoff,  overran  Poland  in 
the  absence  of  Charles  and  Augustus,  who  were  in 
Saxony ;  forming  a  rallying  point  for  the  adherents 
of  the  ex-king,  and  plundering  the  opposite  party.  In 
fact,  Peter  treated  Poland  more  as  a  vanquished 
province  than  an  allied  state,  ravaging,  levying  con- 
tributions, and  carrying  off  all  the  valuables  he  could 
lay  hands  on.  The  news  that  Stanislas  and  Charles 
were  returning  from  Saxony  soon  put  a  check  to 
this  injustice  aha  obliged  him  to  retreat. 

As  Charles's  army  was  on  its  march  to  Poland,  it 
passed  near  Dresden,  and  the  king,  who  was  usually 
a  few  hundred  steps  in  advance  of  his  guard,  was 
suddenly  missed,  and  at  the  moment  none  could  give 


'• 


BATTLE    OF   PULTOWA.  135 

any  account  of  him.  Being  so  near  the  ex-king's 
residence,  he  formed  a  momentary  resolution  to  pay 
him  a  passing  visit.  A  horseman,  accompanied  by 
two  or  three  officers,  had  passed  the  gates  under  the 
name  of  Carl,  and  hurrying  to  the  palace,  presented 
Augustus  with  the  .unexpected  apparition  of  his  con- 
queror, Charles  All.  of  Sweden,  with  his  coarse 
blue  coat,  gilt  buttons,  and  jack-boots.  He  did  not 
come,  however,  to  make  any  further  demands,  but 
after  paying  his  compliments,  which  were  no  doubt 
very  sparing,  ended  his  singular  visit,  and  marched 
on  against  the  Russians. 

The  fate  of  Stanislas  was  so  completely  depend- 
ent on  that  of  Charles,  that  the  history  of  the  latter 
is  also  the  history  of  the  former.  The  Swedish  hero, 
leaving  his  protege  in  Poland,  pursued  the  czar,  who 
had  retired  into  Lithuania,  although  it  was  in  the 
month  of  January,  1708.  The  result  of  this  singular 
campaign  forms  one  of  fame's  commonplaces : 

" dread  Pultowa's  day, 

When  fortune  left  the  royal  Swede," 

at  once  stripped  Charles  of  the  title  of  Invincible, 
the  hard  earnings  of  nine  years'  victories,  drove  him 
to  seek  an  asylum  in  Turkey,  and  dragged  Stanislas 
from  the  Polish  throne. 

Augustus,  on  hearing  this  unexpected  news,  imme- 
diately returned  to  Poland,  and  resumed  the  diadem 
in  spite  of  his  oath.*  The  pope's  dispensation  sanc- 
tioned the  perjury;  Polish  inconsistency  favoured 
the  new  revolution ;  and  the  victorious  arms  of  Rus- 
sia confirmed  all.  Stanislas  knew  it  was  in  vain  to 
resist,  and  did  not  wish  to  shed  blood  in  a  useless 
struggle ;  he  therefore  retired  to  Swedish  Pomerania. 
He  defended  that  province  against  the  united  Rus- 

*  The  details  of  all  these  singular  events  may  be  seen  in  "  Memoire* 
sur  les  Dernieres  Revolutions  de  la  Pologne,  par  Prebendofski.  Rotter- 
dam, 1710."  and  in  the  "  Histoire  des  Revolutions  de  Pologne.  par  M. 
1'Abbe  des  Fontaines." 


136  HISTORY  OF  POLAND. 

sians,  Saxons,  Poles,  and  Swedes,  and  Augustus 
wished  to  put  an  end  to  the  contest.  Stanislas 
agreed  to  abdicate,  but  Charles's  consent  was  re- 
quired to  satisfy  the  newly-raised  king.  The  Swede, 
"  proud  though  in  desolation,"  merely  answered  to 
all  the  persuasions,  "  If  my  friend  will  not  be  king, 
I  can  soon  make  another."  Stanislas  determined  to 
try  what  could  be  effected  by  a  personal  interview, 
and  "  risking  more,"  says  Voltaire,  "  to  abdicate  a 
throne  than  he  had  done  to  ascend  it,"  undertook  to 
travel  in  disguise  through  the  midst  of  his  enemies 
to  Charles's  retreat  in  Turkey.  He  stole  one  eve- 
ning from  the  Swedish  army  which  he  commanded 
in  Pomerania,  and  traversing  the  enemy's  lines  with 
a  passport  under  the  name  of  Haran,  after  many 
dangers  reached  Jassy,  the  capital  of  Moldavia.  He 
here  styled  himself  a  major  in  Charles's  service,  not 
knowing  that  the  king  was  at  that  time  far  from  a 
good  understanding  with  the  Porte.  On  this  hint 
the  suspicions  of  the  Turkish  officer  were  awakened, 
who,  being  acquainted  with  the  ex-king's  person 
by  description,  saw  through  the  disguise  and  arrested 
him. 

Among  other  questions  which  the  Turk  put  to  his 
prisoner  was,  what  rank  he  had  held  in  the  Swedish 
service.  "  Major  sum"  said  Stanislas.  "  Imo  maxi- 
mus  es,"  retorted  the  officer,  confirmed  in  his  con- 
jecture. He  was  thenceforth  treated  as  a  captive, 
though  as  a  king,  and  the  Porte  ordered  him  to  be 
conveyed  to  Bender  at  the  very  moment  that  Charles 
was  removing  to  his  temporary  prison. 

"  Tell  him,"  exclaimed  the  inflexible  Swede  when 
he  heard  of  his  apprehension,  "never  to  make 
peace  with  Augustus ;  assure  him  fortune  will  soon 
change  !"* 

*  Even  when  Charles  was  confined  at  Adrianople  he  persisted  ob- 
stinately in  this  opinion.  In  a  letter  which  he  wrote  to  Stanislas  from 
that  place,  he  says,  "  We  must  not  be  intimidated  by  all  that  the  evil 
designing  can  contrive  to  ruin  us.  I  have  that  firm  reliance  on  your 


CHARLES    RETURNS    TO    SWEDEN.  137 

This  prediction  seemed  about  to  be  verified,  when 
the  Turks,  stimulated  by  the  intrigues  of  the  Swedish 
monarch,  took  up  arms  against  the  Russians,  and 
investing  Peter  on  the  banks  of  the  Pruth,  obliged 
him  to  make  that  famous  capitulation  in  1711.  By 
this  he  was  bound  to  withdraw  all  his  troops  from 
Poland,  and  never  interfere  in  the  affairs  of  that 
government ;  besides  which,  Charles  was  to  be  en- 
sured an  unmolested  return  to  his  own  kingdom. 

Peter  was,  however,  no  sooner  out  of  danger  than 
he  forgot  his  oath,  and  instead  of  withdrawing  his 
troops  from  Poland,  reinforced  them.  In  1712, 
great  complaints  were  made  about  this  encroach- 
ment, and  the  czar  pretended  to  countermand  them, 
but  still  kept  them  on  the  confines  of  Lithuania. 

In  1714  Charles  returned  to  Sweden,  and  at  the 
same  time  Stanislas,  resigning  all  pretensions  to  Po- 
land, retired  to  the  little  dutchy  of  Deux-Ponts  in 
Germany,  which  was  presented  to  him  by  the  King 
of  Sweden,  who  possessed  it  by  inheritance.  He 
remained  there  till  he  was  deprived  of  it  by  Charles's 
death. 

The  return  of  the  Swedish  monarch  was  a  pretext 
for  retaining  the  Saxon  troops  in  Poland.  But  even 
this  excuse  did  not  satisfy  the  justly  discontented 
Poles;  they  avenged  the  insults  and  ravages  of 
these  intruders  by  the  lives  of  many  hundreds  of 
them.  This  was  the  declaration  of  open  war  be- 
tween the  king's  troops  and  the  confederated  nobles. 
Augustus  in  vain  opposed  his  infuriated  subjects , 
and  after  his  army  had  been  ajmost  annihilated, 
called  upon  the  czar  for  assistance.  This  induced 
the  confederates  to  negotiate  ;  and  under  the  terror 
of  a  Russian  army,  peace  was  concluded  between 

majesty's  prudence,  that  you  will  continue  to  defend  our  common  inter- 
ests with  the  same  courage  and  with  the  same  constancy  that  you  have 
done  hitherto  ;  and  that  by  your  glorious  example,  you  will  animate  the 
Poles  to  do  the  same." — From  the  MSS.  in  the  Library  at  Nancy.  See 
CEuvres  choisies  de  Stanislas,  &c.,  par  Mdme.  de  St.  Oufin. 

M2 


138  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

the  monarch  and  his  people  in  1717.  It  was  then 
agreed  that  the  Saxons  should  leave  the  kingdom, 
-and  this  engagement  was  accordingly  kept.  At  the 
same  time  the  Polish  army  was  decreased  to  18,000 
oien,  under  the  pretence  of  curbing  the  influence  of 
he  two  grand-generals.  This  was  a  most  perni- 
cious step  to  the  independence  of  Poland,  as  it  ex- 
tended its  defence  almost  entirely  to  the  pospolite, 
who  could  never  compete  with  the  large  standing 
armies  which  were  now  kept  up  by  its  neighbours. 
"  Imprudent  nation !  which  allowed  itself  to  be  dis- 
armed at  the  very  moment  when  new  dangers  were 
about  to  threaten  it ;  which  almost  solely  intrusted 
its  defence  to  the  convocations  of  the  pospolite,  at  a 
time  when  all  the  other  nations  of  Europe  had  dis- 
covered the  inutility  and  abandoned  the  use  of  that 
mode  of  protection."* 

In  the  mean  time  Peter  had  obtained  all  the  Livo- 
nian  territory  he  aimed  at,  and  was  willing  to  em- 
brace the  schemes  of  the  Swedish  minister  to  enter 
into  a  treaty  with  Charles,  to  re-establish  Stanislas, 
make  a  descent  on  England,  and  in  fact  become  the 
arbiter  of  Europe.  The  conferences  were  carried 
on  with  the  greatest  secrecy,  but  sufficient  trans- 
pired to  make  Augustus  tremble.  His  minister, 
Flemming  (with  or  without  his  master's  concur- 
rence is  a  question),  employed  some  French  mis- 
creants to  carry  off  Stanislas  and  bring  him  prisoner 
to  Dresden.  This  he  thought  would  be  a  bar  to  the 
inimical  designs  of  the  allies.  The  villains  were 
discovered  and  taken  before  the  ex-king  as  assas- 
sins, expecting  summary  punishment;  but  the  be- 
neficent and  philosophic  Stanislas  reproved  them 
mildly,  "  What  injury  have  I  done  you,  my  friends  ?" 
said  he;  "and  if  none,  why  should  you  attempt 
iny  life  1  Were  I  to  retaliate  I  should  take  away 
yours ;  but  I  forgive  you ;  live  and  become  better." 

*  Rulhtere. 


DUTCH Y    OF    COTJRLAND.  139 

This  was  acting  up  to  his  own  aphorism,  "  We  are 
amply  revenged  by  having  the  power  to  pardon;"* 
and  gives  him  a  stronger  claim  to  the  title  of  "  be- 
neficent philosopher"  than  all  his  writings,  were  they 
a  hundred  times  more  voluminous. 

The  King  of  Poland  publicly  disclaimed  all  know- 
ledge of  the  plot,  but  we  must  leave  his  protestation 
to  plead  for  itself.  At  that  time  it  had  the  effect  of 
shifting  the  onus  of  censure  to  Flemming's  shoul- 
ders, and  at  any  rate  the  minister  was  not  un- 
justly scandalized. 

The  death  of  Charles,  in  1718,  broke  the  alliance, 
and  averted  the  danger  which  threatened  Augustus. 
Such  was  the  termination  of  the  unjust  attack  on 
Livonia:  Peter  was  the  only  gainer,  while  the  King 
of  Poland  had  been  dethroned,  plundered  of  his 
treasures  in  Saxony,  and  had  only  recovered  his 
crown  by  breaking  his  oath,  sacrificing  his  power 
and  becoming  almost  a  mere  Russian  viceroy. 

Poland  now  enjoyed  for  some  years  a  state  of 
comparative  peace,  but  it  seemed  likely  to  be  dis- 
turbed, in  1726,  by  disputes  about  Courland.  The 
dutchy  had  been  held  as  a  fief  of  the  Poles  ever  since 
1561,  under  the  express  condition  that  when  the 
line  of  succession  was  extinct  it  should  revert  to 
Poland.  The  diet  held  in  this  year  (1726),  taking 
into  consideration  the  old  age  of  the  childish  duke, 
who  in  fact  no  longer  held  the  reins  of  government, 
having  been  deprived  of  them  by  Ann,  who  was  the 
niece  of  Peter  the  Great,  and  had  married  the  late 
duke,  determined  to  annex  it  to  the  kingdom,  and 
accordingly  sent  commissioners  to  divide  it  into 
palatinates.  But  this  the  Courlanders  stoutly  re 
sisted,  and  elected  Count  Maurice,  of  Saxony  (Mar- 
shal Saxe),  natural  son  of  Augustus,  their  duke ;  an 
election  that  pleased  neither  the  Poles  nor  the  Rus- 


*  On  est  bien  veng£  quand  on  a  le  pouvoir  de  pardpnner.    Pensrea 
Diverges.— See  Stanislas's  "  Works  of  a  Beneficent  Philosopher." 


140  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

sians,  and  was  set  aside,  the  dutchy  remaining  under 
the  power  of  Russia  till  the  death  of  Augustus. 

The  same  diet  held  a  debate  on  another  singular 
event,  which  at  the  time  threatened  to  be  of  some 
importance.  Nearly  two  years  before  this  time  the 
Jesuits  were  making  a  public  procession  with  the 
Host  in  the  streets  of  Thorn,  and  some  young  scholar 
of  the  order  insisted  that  the  children  who  were 
present  should  kneel.  This  they  refused  to  do,  being 
Lutherans,  as  were  most  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
city,  and  a  scuffle  ensued.  The  offending  Jesuit  was 
taken  into  custody,  and  his  order,  highly  incensed, 
imperatively  demanded  his  release,  which  being  re- 
fused, they  attacked  the  citizens,  and  some  blood  was 
shed  on  both  sides.  The  townspeople,  enraged  at 
this  breach  of  their  privileges,  broke  open  the  Jesuits' 
college,  plundered  it,  profaned  all  the  objects  of  wor- 
ship, and  among  others  an  image  of  the  Virgin.  The 
Catholics  of  Poland,  fired  at  the  profanation,  im- 
mediately came  to  the  diet  almost  infuriated  with 
fanatic  zeal.  A  commission  was  appointed  with  ab- 
solute power  to  examine  into  the  business,  and  punish 
the  impiety.  It  was  in  vain  the  Lutherans  pleaded 
their  grievances ;  the  magistrates  were  capitally  con- 
demned for  not  exerting  their  authority,  seven  other 
citizens  suffered  the  same  fate,  and  numbers  were 
banished  or  imprisoned.  Three  persons,  accused  of 
throwing  the  Virgin's  image  into  the  fire,  lost  their 
right  arms,  and  the  whole  city  were  deprived  of  the 
freedom  of  public  worship.* 

The  persecuted  dissidents  carried  their  complaints 
before  all  the  Protestant  princes  ;  and  Prussia,  Great 
Bri  and  Sweden  interested  themselves  in  their 
behalf.  Augustus  began  to  fear  the  intervention  of 
force ;  but  the  threat  was  vox  et  praterea  nihil,  and 
the  poor  Lutherans  were  left  to  digest  their  troubles 
with  prayer  and  patience* 

arthenay's  History  of  Augustus  IL 


DEATH    OF    AUGUSTUS.  141 

The  king  spent  the  rest  of  his  reign  in  attempting 
to  make  the  crown  hereditary,  and  to  stretch  its  pre- 
rogatives. The  31st  of  January,  1733,  ended  his 
eventful  life,  and  gave  the  Poles  another  opportunity 
to  save  their  falling  country.  The  biographer  of 
Augustus  makes  his  funeral  oration  a  series  of  an- 
titheses, and  seems  to  consider  his  character  a  sort  of 
lusus  nature,  because  it  was  a  compound  of  many 
qualities.  But  he  was  like  all  other  men  in  whose 
minds  no  one  passion  has  established  absolute  mon- 
archy over  the  rest ;  he  rang  the  changes  of  pleasure 
and  repentance,  sense  and  folly,  inaction  and  ex- 
ertion. He  kept  a  sumptuous  court ;  and  if  the  first 
part  of  his  reign  undermined  the  constitution  of 
Poland,  the  latter  part  corrupted  its  morals.  But 
notwithstanding  his  luxuries  and  extravagance,  he 
amassed  considerable  wealth.  It  is  said  that  he  had 
collected  at  Dresden*  porcelain  to  the  value  of 
twenty-four  millions.  So  fond  was  he  of  trumpery 
of  this  kind  that  he  gave  Frederic  William  of  Prussia, 
one  of  his  most  dangerous  neighbours,  his  finest  regi- 
ment of  dragoons  in  exchange  for  twelve  vases.  He 
left  his  son  twelve  millions  in  his  treasury,  and  an 
army  of  thirty-three  thousand  good  troops,  to  pur- 
chase or  seize  the  crown  of  Poland. 

The  reign  of  Augustus  hastened  the  decline  of  the 
Polish  nation  by  many  conspiring  causes,  nor  was  it 
more  favourable  to  the  advance  of  learning;  only 
luxury  and  sumptuousness  were  encouraged  by  this 
monarch's  example.  Many  learned  men,  indeed, 
might  be  mentioned ;  but  none  who  had  any  influ- 
ence on  the  public  mind.  The  slothful  voluptuous- 
ness of  the  latter  part  of  this  reign,  which  succeeded 
the  anarchy  of  the  commencement,  completed  the  ruin 
it  had  begun ;  and  Augustus  has  left  behind  him  the 
character  of  one  of  the  most  splendid  as  well  as  most 


*  The  Green, Vault  (Griine  GewGlbe)oC  Dresden  is  still  an  object  of 
curiosity,  with  its  collection  of  gaudy  but  costly  trifles. 


142  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

athletic  sovereigns  of  Poland,  to  be  balanced  against 
the  irretrievable  injury  he  has  done  both  to  this  king- 
dom and  his  electoial  dominions.* 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Stanislas  re-elected— The  Russians  enter  Poland  and  proclaim  the 
Elector  of  Saxony  King— Siege  of  Dantzig — Escape  of  Stanislas  from 
Dantzig — Stanislas  abdicates— Augustus  III. — Count  Brulh,  Prime 
Minister— Intrigues  of  the  Czartoryski  Family— Frederick  the  Great 
invades  Saxony— The  Death  of  the  Empress  Elizabeth  terminates  the 
War — Intrigues  of  Poniatowski  and  Catharine— Life,  Education,  &c. 
of  Poniatowski— Catharine  murders  Peter  and  is  proclaimed  Empress 
— Poniatowski's  Disappointment— His  Intrigues— Factions  against 
Augustus — Death  of  Augustus. 

AFTER  the  death  of  Augustus,  the  Poles  turned 
their  eyes  towards  their  ex-king,  Stanislas.  During 
his  exile,  his  daughter,  Mary  Leszczynski,  had 
become  Queen  of  France,  and  the  French  king 
(Louis  XV.)  interested  himself  in  the  election  of 
his  father-in-law.  But  Stanislas  had  experienced 
the  precariousness  of  Polish  popularity,  and  felt  the 
influence  of  Poland's  neighbours  too  keenly  to  enter 
into  the  lists  with  very  sanguine  hopes.  "  I  feel," 
said  he,  before  his  departure  from  France,  "  that  I 
shall  soon  be  near  my  enemies,  and  far  from  my 
friends."  His  reluctance  was  combated  and  over- 
come by  persuasion,  and  the  repeated  invitation  of 
the  Poles;  and  he  consented  to  wear  the  diadem 
once  more. 

But  the  intrigues  of  the  late  king  to  bring  in  his 
son  as  his  successor  had  not  been  entirely  useless : — 
a  considerable  party  supported  his  pretensions; 

*  Many  wonderful  feats  of  strength  are  still  related  of  Augustus,  such 
as  that  he  could  lift  a  trumpeter  in  full  armour  in  the  palm  of  his  hand. 
His  immense  cuirass  and  helmet,  which  are  shown  even  to  the  present 
day  in  the  Rustkammer,  or  armoury  of  Dresden,  bear  at  least  some  par- 
tial testimony  to  the  truth  of  these  traditions. 


STANISLAS   RE-ELECTED.  143 

Russia  was  tempted  by  the  new  elector's  promises 
to  resign  all  claim  to  Courland  and  to  advance  his 
interests ;  while  Austria,  glad  of  an  opportunity  to 
become  the  arbitress  of  an  adjacent  state,  deter- 
mined to  ensure  her  client's  election,  and  thwart 
their  rival,  France.  These  two  powers  took  the 
most  careful  precautions  to  intercept  Stanislas  on  his 
way  to  Poland;  a  Russian  fleet  was  cruising  on  the 
Baltic,  and  the  authorities  of  Germany  were  on  the 
alert  to  cut  off  any  approach  by  land.  A  stratagem 
readily  frustrated  this  design ;  it  was  generally  an- 
nounced in  France  that  Stanislas  would  go  by  sea, 
and  to  add  apparent  confirmation  to  the  report,  the 
Chevalier  de  Thianges,  who  strongly  resembled  him, 
embarked  at  Brest  with  all  the  formalities  of  royalty, 
and  set  sail  for  Dantzig  under  his  name. 

In  the  mean  time  the  real  Stanislas,  in  disguise, 
accompanied  only  by  one  gentleman,  took  the  route 
through  Germany.  They  travelled  under  the  title 
of  merchants,  and  eluded  the  vigilance  of  all  the 
guards.  They  reached  Warsaw  almost  on  the  very 
eve  of  the  election ;  the  announcement  of  Stanislas 
stifled  all  opposition,  and  on  the  llth  of  September, 
1733,  the  unanimous  suffrages  of  60,000  nobles  pro- 
claimed him  king.  But  Russia  and  Austria  were 
not  to  be  easily  foiled ;  the  latter  threatened,  and  the 
former  marched  an  army  of  60,000  to  enforce  its  will, 
and  make  the  deluded  Poles  feel  that  independence, 
once  forfeited,  is  not  readily  to  be  redeemed.  These 
barbarian  troops  plundered  as  they  went ;  and  the 
armies  of  the  state,  which  had  been  so  injudiciously 
decreased  during  the  last  reign,  amounting  now 
barely  to  15,000  undisciplined  men,  could  yield  their 
fellow-subjects  no  protection ;  so  that  the  affection 
even  of  the  Poles  was  alienated  from  a  king  who 
was  obliged  to  leave  them  to  the  mercy  of  their 
enemies. 

The  French  court  endeavoured  to  oppose  the 
alliance  of  Turkey  and  Sweden  against  that  of  the 


144  HISTORY   OF   POLAND. 

Russians  and  Austrians,  but  their  aid  was  too  distant 
to  be  of  any  service.  The  consequences  were  felt, 
indeed,  for  some  years  in  Europe,  but  the  interests 
of  Poland  were  not  one  jot  advanced  by  it,  such  was 
the  overwhelming  power  of  its  enemies.  Stanislas 
was  again  stripped  of  his  ephemeral  honours,  and 
took  refuge  with  his  nobles  in  Dantzig,  almost  tfre 
only  city  in  Poland  which  could  stand  a  siege. 

The  Poles  "summoned  all  their  energies"  to  make 
a  last  and  desperate  resistance  ;  they  kept  the  Rus- 
sians at  bay  on  the  other  side  of  the  Vistula  till  the 
legal  term  of  election  was  nearly  expired.  It  was 
not  till  the  very  last  day  allowed  by  law  that  they 
could  force  their  passage  to  Warsaw,  and  they  then 
assembled  a  small  number  of  Polish  nobles,  some  of 
whom  were  brought  in  chains,  to  elect  Augustus  III. 
King  of  Poland.  This  mockery  of  royalty  over,  they 
marched  on  Dantzig,  where  Stanislas  was  expecting 
them. 

This  city  defended  itself  with  great  obstinacy  for 
more  than  five  months.  Eight  thousand  of  the  assail- 
ants perished  in  one  attack  ;  and  one  part  of  the  in- 
trenchments  is  still  called  "  the  Russian  cemetery." 
But  no  serviceable  aid  arrived  from  France ;  and  Po- 
land was  too  enfeebled  and  intimidated  to  provoke 
its  tyrants  still  further.  Treachery  at  length  led  to 
the  surrender  of  Dantzig ;  the  governor  of  one  of  the 
forts  capitulated,  and  "  then,"  says  Stanislas,  "  the 
city  had  my  permission  to  do  the  same." 

This  town  was  no  longer  a  safe  place  of  sojourn 
for  the  king,  who  was  the  principal  or  almost  sole 
object  of  the  besiegers'  vengeance.  Further  resist- 
ance would  only  serve  to  involve  the  Dantzigers  still 
more  deeply  in  trouble ;  so  that  Stanislas  resolved  to 
leave  the  city,  and  advised  it  then  to  submit  to  una- 
voidable capitulation  while  it  could  obtain  favourable 
conditions.  He  has  himself  described  his  hazardous 
and  singular  flight,*  and  the  narrative  forms  a  very 

*  Lettre  de  Stanislas,  Roi  de  Pologne,  a  la  Reine  de  France  sur  son 
Depart  de  Dantzig.— See  the  Works  of  Stanislas. 


ESCAPE  OF  STANISLAS  FROM  DANTZIG.         145 

interesting  portion  of  the  works  of  oyal  author* 
Count  Poniatowski,  Palatine  of  Mazovia,  who  had 
saved  Charles  XII.  at  Pultowa,  and  served  him  in 
Turkey,  still  adhered  to  the  Swedish  monarch's 
"  friend ;"  and  he  was  commissioned  to  announce  the 
kir.g's  design  to  the  citizens.  One  of  the  deputies 
of  the  city  came  up  to  the  palatine  as  he  was  speak- 
ing, and  said  to  him,  "  What,  sir,  do  you  speak  seri- 
ously ?  Are  these  the  true  sentiments  of  the  king 
our  master  ?"  "  Yes,"  replied  Poniatowski,  "  I  have 
heard  from  his  own  lips  what  I  have  now  the  honour 
to  announce  to  you." 

"  What !"  added  the  deputy,  "does  the  king  him- 
self exhort  us  to  submit  to  the  will  of  a  conqueror  ?" 
The  palatine  answered  in  the  affirmative.  "  Good 
God !"  exclaimed  this  man  again,  "  our  king  leaves 
us  then?  What  is  he  going  to  do  with  himself?" 
At  this  instant  he  staggered,  ceased  to  speak*  and 
fell  dead  at  the  feet  of  Poniatowski. 

It  was  on  the  night  of  the  27th  of  June  that  Stan 
islas  left  Dantzig,  in  the  disguise  of  a  peasant,  and 
succeeded  in  passing  safely  beyond  the  enemy's  lines- 
He  was  obliged  to  take  shelter  in  a  hut  near  the 
banks  of  the  Vistula,  from  which,  on  the  following 
morning,  he  could  see  the  city  walls  crumbling  be- 
fore the  artillery  of  the  Russians.  This,  said  the 
king  to  himself,  is  the  reward  of  my  subjects'  fidelity, 
Stanislas,  the  man  of  sorrow,  and  acquainted  with 
grief,  who  had  so  often  shaken  hands  with  misfor- 
tune, was  unmanned  at  the  sight,  and  shed  tears. 
He  was  afterward  in  constant  danger  of  falling  into 
the  hands  of  the  Russians  and  Cossacks,  and  on  one 
occasion  his  guides  were  so  terrified  that  they  threat- 
ened to  leave  him  to  his  fate.  "  What,  you  cowards," 
said  Stanislas,  "  do  you  mean  to  abandon  me  ?"  "  Do 
you  wish,"  retorted  they,  "that  we  should  expose 
ourselves  to  be  hung  in  ensuring  your  safety,  which 
is  nothing  to  HS  ?"  "  Hung  or  not,"  exclaimed  the 
king,  with  an  affectation  of  rage,  "you  have  no, 


146  HISTORY   OF   POLAND. 

longer  any  time  to  deliberate ;  you  have  engaged  to 
accompany  me,  and  you  shall  not  quit  me  until  I 
think  I  can  dispense  with  your  rascally  company. 
Hear,  and  tremble  at  the  resolution  you  make  me  take. 
If  your  promises,  if  your  oaths,  if  the  reward  ryou 
expect,  if  the  regard  you  owe  me — if  nothing  can 
stop  you,  I  will  that  moment  call  here  the  Cossacks ; 
and  if  I  must  perish  by  your  flight,  I  would  as  soon 
perish  by  my  own  indiscretion,  and  revenge  myself 
at  the  same  time  for  your  perfidy."  Stanislas  was 
not,  however,  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  this  fatal 
expedient;  his  guides  changed  their  tone,  and  he 
arrived  safe  at  Marienwerder,  a  little  town  on  the 
Prussian  frontier.  He  was  afterward  kindly  received 
by  Frederic  I.,  then  king,  and  well  lodged  at  Kon- 
igsberg. 

Lewis  took  up  arms  against  the  emperor,  one  of 
the  princes  inimical  to  his  father-in-law.  The  result 
of  this  war  was,  that  a  treaty  was  signed  at  Vienna, 
in  October,  1735,  by  which  Stanislas  was  ensured 
the  possession  of  his  hereditary  estates,  the  title  and 
honours  of  King  of  Poland,  and  the  dutchies  of  Lor- 
raine and  Bar,  which,  after  his  death,  were  to  de- 
volve to  the  crown  of  France.  It  was  also  agreed, 
that  his  partisans  should  be  reinstated  in  their  estates 
and  dignities ;  and  on  these  conditions  Stanislas  re- 
nounced all  pretensions  to  Poland.  He  then  pro- 
ceeded to  his  new  sovereignty,  and  devoted  himself 
to  literature  and  philosophy,  not  forgetting  that  best 
philosophy,  how  to  make  his  people  happy.* 

*  The  goodness  of  the  "beneficent  philosopher's"  heart  is  exhibited  in 
numberless  instances,  but  none  is  more  striking  than  his  treatment  of 
the  children  of  the  very  Augustus  who  had  deprived  him  of  his  throne 
and  driven  him  from  his  country.  When  Frederic  the  Great  overran 
Saxony  in  1756,  the  elector,  calculating  on  the  generosity  of  Stanislas, 
absolutely  confided  his  children  to  his  protection.  "  Heaven,"  said  the 
warm-hearted  and  forgiving  philosopher,  "  no  doubt  drove  me  from  my 
country  that  1  might  be  able  to  afford  you  an  asylum  in  misfortune ;  it 
is  sweet  to  me  to  be  able  to  revenge  myself  by  kindness  to  you.  You 
shall  not  be  mere  visiters  in  my  court ;  and  until  the  day  when  you  em- 
trace  your  father,  I,  my  friends,  I  will  supply  his  place.  This  excel- 


ABDICATION    OF    STANISLAS.  147 

The  partisans  of  Stanislas  still  continued  faithful 
to  him ;  and  while  he  was  at  Konigsberg  issued  a 
protestation  against  the  unlawful  election  of  Augus- 
tus, and  confederated  themselves  at  a  little  village 
on  the  confines  of  Moldavia,  on  the  6th  of  August, 
1735.  The  document  was  signed  by  the  bishop  of 
tfiow,  Sapieha,  grand-treasurer  of  Lithuania,  and  244 
other  Polish  senators.*  In  answer  to  this,  Stanislas 
addressed  a  letter  to  them,  entreating  them  to  submit 
to  necessity.  "Will  you  follow,"  said  he,  "the 
counsels  of  him  who  will  never  cease  to  love  you  ? 
Imitate  my  example,  lay  down  your  arms,  and  do 
not  subject  yourselves,  by  useless  obstinacy,  to  the 
reproach  of  wishing  to  perpetuate  trouble  among 
your  brothers." 

In  1736  the  Poles,  in  conformity  to  the  wish  of 
their  exiled  king,  united  in  a  diet  of  pacification. 
They  still  preserved  the  liberty  of  the  tongue,  and, 
even  in  the  presence  of  Augustus,  declared  it  a 
capital  offence  for  any  one  in  future  to  invite  the  aid 
of  foreign  troops.  In  this  session,  also,  the  dissi- 
dents were  stripped  even  of  their  small  remnant  of 
power,  being  totally  excluded  from  all  share  in  the 
government.! 

lent  man  lived  to  the  advanced  age  of  eighty-nine ;  but  the  extreme  part 
of  this  long  life  was  imbittered  by  the  death  of  his  grandson,  the  dauphin, 
a  promising  youth,  with  whose  education  immense  labour  and  care  had 
been  taken,  and  who  profited  from  his  advantages.  About  six  weeks 
afler  this  sad  event  the  venerable  old  king  accidentally  set  fire  to  his 
clothes,  and  was  so  seriously  burnt  before  assistance  could  be  afforded 
him,  that  he  died  soon  afler,  on  Feb.  23, 1766. 

For  once  the  tombstone  speaks  the  truth  in  summing  up  the  character 
of  Stanislas: 

Hie  jacet  Stanislas  I. 

Cognomine  beneficus, 

Per  varias  sortis  human ae  vices  jactatus,  non  fractus 

Ingens  orbi  spectaculum 
Ubique  vel  in  exilio,  rex  beandis  populis  natus, 

Ludovici  15  generi  complex1!  exceptus,  &c. 

*  See  Mdme.  de  St.  OuSn's  Work,  p.  92.  where  the  protestation  is  copied 
at  full  from  the  MSS.  at  Nancy. 

t  The  number  and  influence  of  the  dissidents,  it  will  be  remembered, 
had  been  greatly  diminished  in  the  last  reign,  and  the  diet  of  1736  only 
executed  a  project  which  had  been  long  meditated.  The  dissident  noblea 


148  HISTORY   OF   POLAND. 

If  peace  alone  could  have  restored  Poland,  it  would 
have  been  completely  regenerated  under  the  reign 
of  Augustus.  He  devoted  himself  solely  to  the 
amusements  of  society  and  hunting;  he  imitated' 
his  father's  luxurious  magnificence,  but  it  was  more 
from  habit  than  taste :  he  ruined  himself  with  ex- 
travagance, without  having  any  inclination  for  it,  and 
in  collecting  pictures,  without  having  any  taste  for 
them.  He  was  a  moral  "  good  sort  of  man,"  and 
though  strikingly  handsome,  continued  inviolably 
faithful  to  his  wife,  the  ugliest  princess  of  the  age. 
A  habit  of  familiarity  rendered  Count  Brulh  his 
favourite  and  prime  minister.  This  servile  depend- 
ant made  it  his  whole  business  to  please  the  king, 
and  enter  into  his  amusements.  But  to  others  he 
was  the  proudest  of  men ;  and  though  his  master 
was  simple  and  unostentatious,  he  affected  the  very 
extreme  of  magnificence  and  pomp.  In  the  midst 
of  all  the  proud  feelings  of  his  heart,  there  lurked  a 
servile  superstition,  which  made  him  one  of  the 
most  abject  of  creatures.  This  he  studiously  kept  a 
secret  however,  till  one  day  two  visiters,  entering 
his  private  apartments  hastily,  saw  with  surprise  the 
proud  and  pompous  minister  on  his  knees,  with  his 
face  to  the  ground,  before  an  illuminated  table, 
Brulh,  rising  hastily  from  his  kneeling  position,  as  if 
ashamed  of  being  detected,  said  to  them,  "After 
having  served  my  temporal  master  all  day,  I  must 
give  some  few  moments  to  eternity." 

To  the  care  of  this  man  did  Augustus  intrust  the 
interests  of  his  kingdom,  that  he  might  pursue  with^ 
out  interruption  his  favourite  amusements.  Saxony 

were  now  ensured  the  possession  of  their  property,  and  could  hold  any 
military  or  other  offices  which  did  not  confer  executive  authority.  They 
also  still  enjoyed  the  elective  franchise,  though  they  were  not  allowed  to 
be  deputies.  They  were  also  declared  guilty  of  high-treason  if  they 
attempted  to  recover  their  privileges  by  the  aid  of  foreign  princes.  These 
laws,  since  the  cause  of  so  much  fatal  discord  to  Poland,  passed  at  the 
time  without  opposition,  and  even  under  the  protection  of 
s.— Rulhttre,  vol.  i.  p.  154. 


CZARTORYSKI    FACTIONS.  149 

was  his  most  agreeable  residence,  and  as  he  was 
obliged  to  return  to  Poland  during  the  sessions  of 
the  diets,  he  was  always  pleased  to  see  them  sus- 
pended by  the  liberum  veto,  and  always  contrived  to 
effect  the  rupture  himself,  if  the  deputies  happened 
to  be  themselves  unanimous.  It  is  said  that  on  one 
occasion,  the  diet  being  uncommonly  long-lived,  not 
knowing  how  to  force  a  veto,  he  turned  over  the 
Polish  laws,  and  discovered  that  it  was  illegal  to 
debate  by  candlelight;  accordingly  he  ordered  his 
partisans  to  prolong  the  debate  till  night,  and  to  call 
for  candles.  They  were  brought,  and  immediately 
the  Poles,  who  "  strain  at  a  gnat,"  when  privilege  is 
concerned,  exclaimed  against  the  violation  of  the 
laws,  and  the  diet  was  dissolved. 

This  was  almost  the  invariable  termination  of  the 
sessions,  during  the  thirty  years  which  this  reign 
lasted.  The  state  of  affairs  may  be  readily  ima- 
gined :  all  public  business  was  at  an  end ;  the  chief 
officers  were  almost  uncontrolled,  and  no  ministers 
were  sent  to  foreign  courts.  The  pospolite  neglected 
all  military  exercises,  and  became  a  mere  mass  of 
men,  courageous,  it  is  true,  but  without  arms,  without 
discipline,  and  equally  incapable  of  commanding  and 
obeying.* 

While  the  generality  of  the  Poles  were  enjoying 
this  peace  in  idle  voluptuousness,  some  few  of  the 
more  powerful  nobles  were  plotting  the  overthrow 
of  the  republic,  and  the  establishment  of  a  virtual 
monarchy.  This  party  was  headed  by  the  princes 
Czartoryski,  who  were  a  branch  of  the  Jagellon 
family.  There  were  two  of  them,  Augustus  and 
Michael.  The  former  was  palatinate  of  Polish 
Russia,  and  had  become  master  of  great  wealth  by 
marrying  a  rich  widow.  This  added  to  his  rank  and 
gave  him  immense  influence,  and  he  had  thousands 
of  partisans  who  almost  considered  him  their  only 

*  Rulhtere,  vol.  i.  p.  185. 
N2 


150  HISTORY   OF   POLAND. 

monarch.  His  brother  Michael  was  of  a  different 
character,  and  possessed  another  kind  of  influence, 
but  equally  powerful.  He  was  a  designing  states- 
man, and  added  to  his  authority  as  grand-chancellor 
of  Lithuania  a  complete  mastery  in  the  management 
of  intrigues.  It  is  said  that  he  could  count  on  his 
list  of  friends  and  partisans  above  a  hundred  thou- 
sand nobles,  with  all  of  whom  he  was  intimately  ac- 
quainted, and  could  estimate  to  a  nicety  their  different 
interests.  Their  sister  had  married  the  Count  Poni- 
atowski,  who  distinguished  himself  as  a  firm  adhe- 
rent of  Stanislas  and  of  Charles  XII.  His  father 
was  an  illegitimate  son  of  one  of  the  Sapieha  family, 
and  thsough  their  interest  he  had  been  introduced  to 
the  notice  of  the  Swedish  monarch. 

Each  of  these  three  brothers  had  an  eye  to  the 
throne,  but  so  warily  did  they  proceed  in  their  de- 
signs that  they  avoided  all  collision.  At  the  same 
time  they  conciliated  the  Russians  and  were  appa- 
rently in  their  interest,  but  it  was  only  with  the  view 
of  lulling  their  suspicions  to  sleep  and  disarming 
their  opposition.  They  were  also  the  ostensible  ad- 
herents of  Augustus,  and  had  a  complete  ascendency 
over  his  minister  Brulh. 

Such  was  the  political  state  of  Poland  in  1752, 
when  England  and  France,  on  the  eve  of  a  war 
about  their  American  colonies,  were  employing  their 
envoys  to  secure  the  alliance  of  the  different  courts 
of  Europe.  The  English  minister  contemplated  the 
union  of  Russia,  Saxony,  and  Poland  (which  seemed 
to  form  but  one  interest),  together  with  Austria ;  and 
sent  Sir  Charles  Hanbury  Williams  on  a  private 
mission  to  effect  this  negotiation  at  Warsaw,  on  his 
road  to  Russia.*  This  intriguing  agent  immediately 

*  Rulhiere  evidently  commits  a  considerable  error  in  his  description 
of  Williams's  character.  He  says,  that  "  He  is  still  notorious  in  London 
for  having  attempted  to  estabhsh  pure  deism  under  the  form  of  a  new 
religion,"  &c.  It  was  David  Williams  who  did  this ;  after  being  a  dis- 
senting minister,  he  opened  a  chapel  in  Cavendish  Square,  in  1776,  on  the 
avowed  principles  of  deism.  This  same  person  was  one  of  the  strenuous 


INTRIGUES  OF  THE  CZARTORYSKIS.  151 

saw  the  state  of  politics  in  Poland,  and  made  the 
Czartoryskis  his  confidants.  They  entered  with 
avidity  into  his  schemes,  trusting  that  the  event  of 
the  negotiation  would  lead  to  a  good  opening  for 
their  designs ;  and  engaged  to  support  the  plan  with 
all  their  strength  in  the  approaching  diet,  which  was 
to  be  held  at  Grodno  in  the  October  of  the  same 
year. 

France  did  not  remain  an  idle  spectatress  of  this 
intrigue,  but  employed  Count  Broglie  to  counterplot. 
He  had  a  very  difficult  part  to  act ;  no  faction  was 
ready  formed  to  enlist  in  his  cause,  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, all  the  Poles  were  distrustful  of  an  alliance 
with  France,  who  had  always  been  a  useless  ally  to 
Poland.  In  a  word,  says  Rulhiere,  he  stood  alone. 
But,  undaunted,  he  persevered  in  his  attempt,  and 
waited  for  circumstances,  which  he  knew  are  some- 
times the  machines  as  well  as  prime  movers  of 
society. 

The  Czartoryskis  employed  one  of  the  deputies  to 
dissolve  the  diet,  and  at  the  same  time  to  make  a 
formal  protestation  against  the  king's  conduct.  Their 
motive  in  this  was,  to  draw  up  a  defence  of  Augustus, 
and  under  pretence  of  forming  a  confederation  to 
defend  him  from  faction,  to  make  it  subservient  to 
their  own  views. 

This  plan  was  frustrated  by  the  opposition  of 
Count  Branicki,  grand-general  of  the  kingdom,  the 
most  respected  and  powerful  person  in  Poland.  He 
was  at  the  same  time  the  firmest  patriot  in  his  coun- 
try, and  had  stood  up  against  every  oppressor,  from 
the  king  himself  to  the  meanest  noble.  The  Czar- 
toryskis had  sought  his  alliance,  and  trusted,  that  by 
marrying  him  to  one  of  their  nieces  they  had  ensured 
his  support.  In  this,  however,  they  were  mistaken ; 

advocates  of  the  French  revolution,  and,  what  will  be  better  remembered, 
he  was  founder  of  the  "Literary  Fund."— See  Rulhiere,  vol.  i.  p.  206; 
and  compare  with  Chalmer's  Gen.  Biog.  Diet,  and  Gentleman's  Maga- 
zine, 1810. 


152  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

Branicki  was  ready  to  sacrifice  all  personal  consider- 
ations to  the  welfare  of  his  country.  He  did  not,  at 
first,  perceive  the  design,  and  even  added  his  name 
to  the  long  list  of  confederates.  But  Mokranovvski, 
a  dependent  Polish  noble  of  the  grand-general,  pene- 
trated the  scheme,  and  boldly  protested  against  it. 
He  seized  the  signed  document  in  the  midst  of  the 
assembly,  and  hurrying  with  it  to  Branicki,  pointed 
out  to  him  the  fatal  consequences  of  allying  with 
their  rival  Russia.  After  speaking  to  this  effect,  he 
tore  the  paper  to  pieces ;  and  the  astonished  grand- 
general  embraced  him  in  a  transport  of  admiration, 
and  swore  to  him  an  eternal  friendship. 

Branicki  now  declared  for  Broglie  and  France; 
and  Count  Brulh  seized  with  avidity  this  opportunity 
of  escaping  from  his  dependence  on  the  Czartoryskis, 
and  entered  into  a  coalition  with  this  new  party  in 
the  name  of  his  master.  His  real  motive  for  this 
change  was,  to  revenge  himself  on  that  powerful 
family  for  refusing  his  proffered  alliance  by  marriage. 

Russia  found  herself  bound  both  to  Augustus  and 
the  Czartoryskis,  but  the  authority  and  wealth  of 
England  soon  gave  the  latter  interest  the  prepon- 
derance in  her  eyes,  and  she  threatened  Poland  with 
an  invasion  in  support  of  her  clients.  Three  'years 
had  passed  in  these  intrigues,  and  France,  as  faith- 
less an  ally  as  ever,  forgot  her  promises,  and  left 
Augustus  to  extricate  himself  from  the  dilemma  into 
which  she  had  decoyed  him. 

But  the  year  1756  opened  with  a  complete  revolu- 
tion in  all  the  alliances  of  Europe,  and  averted  the 
vengeance  of  Russia  from  the  King  of  Poland. 
Austria,  bent  on  recovering  Silesia,  which  had  been 
seized  by  Frederic  the  Great,  leagued  with  France 
and  Russia;  the  admission  of  France  into  the  league 
threw  her  enemy,  England,  with  whom  she  was  at 
war  on  account  of  the  American  colonies,  into  the 
opposite  party.  Saxony  was  drawn  into  the  former 
alliance  by  many  obvious  motives.  Frederic  en- 


FREDERIC    INVADES    SAXONY;  153 

gaged  with  the  English  to  divert  the  enemy  from 
their  Hanoverian  possessions,  and  overran  Saxony. 

Augustus  was  obliged  to  abandon  his  electoral  do- 
minions to  their  fate,  for  the  bad  administration  and 
extravagance  of  Brulh  had  rendered  them  almost  de- 
fenceless. The  following  is  a  characteristic  incident 
of  the  Saxon  and  Polish  court.  The  king,  when  he 
found  himself  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  flight, 
took  the  greatest  care  to  save  his  pictures,  antiques, 
and  porcelain,  and  never  gave  a  thought  to  the  state- 
papers. 

These  circumstances  reconciled  for  a  time  the  two 
factions  of  Poland ;  and  Russia  was  now  as  warm  in 
the  defence  of  Augustus  as  she  had  been  before  in 
opposition  to  him.  A  hundred  thousand  Russians 
marched  through  Poland  on  the  road  to  Saxony,  and 
the  Empress  Elizabeth,  in  addition  to  this  assistance, 
resigned  her  pretensions  to  Courland,  and  permitted 
the  king  to  nominate  his  third  son  Charles  to  the 
dukedom. 

The  Russian  troops,  after  traversing  the  territories 
of  their  ally,  and  exacting  contributions  on  their 
road,  entered  the  Prussian  dominions.  Frederic 
defeated  them  at  Zorndorf*  in  1758,  but  so  obstinately 
did  they  stand  their  ground  even  when  they  were 
butchered  without  quarter,  that  he  exclaimed,  "  It  is 
harder  to  kill  them  than  to  conquer  them !"  They, 
however,  revenged  themselves  at  Zulikaw  and  Cus- 
trin,  and  took  possession  of  Berlin. 

Frederic,  surrounded  with  enemies,  was  almost 
reduced  to  the  last  extremity ;  he  began  to  mistrust 
the  energies  of  his  veteran  army  of  the  seven  years' 
war,  and  carried  poison  about  him  as  a  last  resource 
of  escape.  Saxony  was  delivered  from  its  invaders, 
and  Augustus,  in  fancied  security  under  the  shield  of 
Russia,  was  employing  Brulh  to  engage  her  to  ensure 
the  succession  to  the  Polish  crown  in  his  family. 

*  A  Tillage  six  miles  to  the  north-east  of  Custrin,  which  is  built  at 
jtbe  confluence  of  the  Wartha  and  Oder. 


1 54  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

But  the  death  of  the  Empress  Elizabeth  put  an 
end  to  all  these  vain  projects.  Her  successor,  Pe- 
ter III.,  had  long  viewed  with  pleasure  the  league  of 
Russia  against  Frederic,  for  whom  he  had  con- 
ceived a  great  admiration,  and  his  first  act  on  coming 
to  the  throne  was  to  make  peace  with  him.  This 
entirely  frustrated  the  designs  of  the  allies,  as  well 
as  of  Augustus,  whom  Peter  treated  with  the  greatest 
contempt,  and  even  refused  to  give  his  envoys  an 
audience. 

The  emperor  and  Frederic  formed  three  resolu- 
tions with  regard  to  Poland.  The  first  was,  that  the 
successor  of  Augustus  should  be  a  Pole.  This  de- 
termination owed  its  origin  to  the  intrigues  of  the 
Czartoryskis.  The  second,  to  protect  the  dissidents  ; 
and  the  third,  that  Russia  should  resume  the  posses- 
sion of  Courland. 

Peter's  wife,  Catharine,  adopted  nearly  the  same 
line  of  policy  as  her  husband,  but  with  very  different 
motives.  Her  object  was  to  raise  her  lover,  Ponia- 
towski,  to  the  throne.  This  young  count  was  the 
fourth  son  of  Poniatowski,  the  brother-in-law  of  the 
Czartoryskis,  who  has  already  come  under  our  no- 
tice. Fortune  marked  him  for  one  of  her  favourites 
from  his  very  cradle.  At  the  time  of  his  birth  an 
Italian  adventurer,  of  the  name  of  Fornica,  lived  in 
his  father's  house  in  the  capacity  of  surgeon ;  he  was 
at  the  same  time  a  pretended  astrologer  and  alchy- 
inist,  and  most  probably  assumed  those  titles  to  in- 
gratiate the  favour  of  his  protector,  whose  character 
was  strongly  tinctured  with  superstition.  Aware  of 
the  ambitious  views  of  the  family,  he  predicted  that 
the  new-born  child  would  wear  a  crown ;  and  the 
parents  readily  believed  what  their  hopes  made  pos- 
sible, and  their  influence  probable.  They  gave  the 
boy  the  ominous  and  regal  name  Stanislas  Augustus. 
The  countess,  at  the  same  time,  ambitious  from  pride 
and  credulous  from  a  romantic  disposition,  applied 
herself  with  great  care  to  train  up  this  young  scion 


STANISLAS    PONIATOWSKI.  155 

of  royalty.  She  made  him  swear  to  abjure  the  se- 
ductions of  love  and  pleasure  till  he  was  thirty  years 
old,  that  nothing  might  turn  his  eyes  from  the  crown 
which  she  pointed  out  to  him. 

But  young  Poniatowski  was  not  born  to  tread  the 
thorny  road  of  ambition ;  he  was  naturally  a  volup- 
tuary; and  while  his  mother  lectured  him  on  the 
sciences  of  war  and  politics,  he  hummed  over  to  him- 
self the  licentious  songs  of  the  French  poets,  who 
were  his  favourite  authors.*  He  possessed  a  showy, 
superficial  knowledge  of  literature,  and  had  some 
tact  in  conversation,  both  in  public " and  private; 
but,  fortunately  for  Poniatowski,  it  was  not  his 
mind  that  was  to  lead  him  to  the  high  elevation  he 
aimed  at. 

This  second-rate  intellect  was  set  in  a  person  of 
the  first  order  of  beauty :  there  was  an  air  of  supe- 
riority in  his  symmetrical  but  characteristic  counte- 
nance, and  his  figure,  without  being  majestic  from  its 
height  or  strength,  was  marked  with  that  more  com- 
manding and  intrinsic  majesty  of  carriage  which 
seems  to  proceed  from  gigantic  feelings,  instead  of 
large  bones  and  rigid  muscles. 

But,  after  all,  Poniatowski  was  one  of  those  men 
who  could  be  almost  any  thing,  and  are  absolutely 
nothing ;  he  was  one  of  those  characters  which  Na- 
ture draws  out  in  a  neutral-tint  of  light  and  shade, 
ready  to  take  every  colour,  but  which  she  sends  into 
the  world  without  any.  He  had  pride,  but  it  was  not 
pride  of  intellect,  rank,  or.  spirit ;  ambition,  but  it 
was  a  mere  craving  after  he  knew  not  what,  which 
Was  as  much  satiated  by  fulsome  approval  of  a  dog- 
gerel sonnet  as  the  proudest  success  of  important 
schemes ;  a  kind  of  philanthropy,  but  it  was  a  mere 
love  of  his  species,  and  did  not  assume  either  of  those 
definite  characters,  patriotism,  friendship,  or  charity; 
warmth  of  heart,  which,  as  it  was  not  associated 

*  RulhWre. 


156  HISTORY   OF   POLAND. 

with  the  affections  and  feelings  of  any  particular  ob«* 
ject,  had  no  gratification  but  sensual  passion. 

Such  was  the  state  of  Poniatowski's  mind  and 
character  when  Sir  Charles  Williams,  the  English 
ambassador,  arrived  at  Warsaw.    Some  similarity  of 
feeling  and  disposition  led  to  an  acquaintance  be- 
tween these  two  young  men,  which  grew  into  firm 
friendship,  and,  as  may  be  supposed,  did  not  much 
tend  to  renovate  the  youthful  and  pliant  Pole's  prin- 
ciples.    Under  the  care  of  this  dissolute  friend,  Po- 
m'atowski  took  a  butterfly-tour  through  foreign  coun- 
tries, sipping,  as  he  skimmed  along,  only  the  froth 
of  society.     He  made  a  short  sojourn  at  Paris,  that 
city  of  gayety,  so  congenial  to  his  habits,  while  Wil- 
liams proceeded  to  discharge  his  diplomatic  duties  in 
England.     The  young  Pole  was  quite  intoxicated 
with  the  pleasures  of  the  French  capital ;  gamed,  in- 
trigued, made  love,  and  swore  eternal  affection  to 
every  woman  he  met.     So  unguarded  was  he,  and  so 
favourably  were  his  addresses  received,  that  thirty 
ladies  are  said  to  have  encountered  each  other,  one 
day,  in  his  country-house,  to  lay  claim  to  their  gay 
deceiver.    His  finances  could  not  bear  the  extrava- 
gant drafts  which  his  pleasures  and  gaming  drew 
upon  them ;  so  that  he  was  involved  in  debt,  and  the 
harpies  of  the  law  laid  their  unhallowed  hands  on 
the  embryo  king.    From  this  dilemma  he  was  de- 
livered by  one  of  his  female  friends,*  and  then  made 
the  best  of  his  way  to  England  to  rejoin  Williams. 
The  only  fruits  of  his  visit  to  Paris  were  an  expe- 
rience in  the  wiles  of  captivating  the  female  heart, 
and  an  affectation  of  kingly  deportment,  which  he 
studied  in  Louis  XV.    The  former  of  these  acquire- 
ments, as  will  be  seen,  gained  him  the  throne,  and 
the  latter  taught  him  how  to  fill  it. 
Williams  was  now  appointed  ambassador  to  Pe- 


*  It  was  Madame  Geoffrin,  wife  of  a  rich  glass  manufacturer,  t  e 
whom  Poniatowski  was  indebted  for  this  kindness. 


PONIATOWSKI   IN   FAVOUR.  157 

tersburg,  and  the  Czartoryskis  gladly  seized  his  offer 
to  take  Poniatowski  to  Russia  as  his  secretary.  The 
wily  diplomatist  threw  his  young  friend  in  the  way 
of  Catharine,  who  was  then  only  grand-dutchess,  and 
whose  heart  was  opened  to  any  attachment  by  the 
contempt  she  had  for  her  husband  Peter.  Williams 
contrived  to  let  them  have  a  private  interview  in  the 
English  consul's  house,  where  Catharine  went  on 
foot,  and  alone,  in  a  Russian  winter's  night.*  Po- 
niatowski was  young,f  handsome,  and  fascinating, 
Well  experienced  in  the  arts  of  winning  woman's 
affections,  and  bold  enough  to  seize  the  decisive  mo- 
ment of  victory.  What  a  different  language  did  love 
now  speak  to  that  which  Catharine  had  been  ac- 
customed to  hear !  Instead  of  the  coarse  jests  of  a 
Russian  boor,  she  now  listened  to  the  witty  and  vo- 
luptuous seductions  of  French  elegance  and  if  the 
former  could  find  the  way  to  her  heart,  what  resist- 
ance was  to  be  now  expected?  The  Pole's  blan- 
dishments this  night  falsified  the  dogma  that  love 
"  has  no  great  influence  on  the  sum  of  life,"J  for 
while  they  won  a  woman  s  affections,  they  gained  a 
crown  which  contained  within  its  circumference 
the  destinies  of  millions,  and  the  sway  of  Poland. 

When  the  English  ambassador  was  obliged  to 
leave  Petersburg,  Poniatowski  contrived  to  prolong 
his  stay,  by  obtaining  a  diplomatic  commission  in 
the  service  of  Augustus.  The  French  minister, 
Count  Broglie,  on  hearing  that  this  young  emissary 
of  the  Czartoryskis  was  nominated  ambassador  from 
the  Polish  court,  said  to  Brulh,  "  This  complaisance 

*The  grand-duke  one  night  detected  Poniatowski  entering  Catha- 
rine's palace,  but  fearful  of  compromising  the  interest  of  the  court  by 
doing  violence  to  a  foreign  minister,  and  being  at  the  same  time  not  the 
most  sensitive  of  husbands,  satisfied  himself  with  committing  the  in- 
truder into  custody.  Catharine  did  not  hesitate  to  confront  her  injured 
husband ;  the  couple  made  an  amicable  arrangement,  the  lover  was 
liberated,  and  Catharine  promised  to  give  her  husband's  mistress  an 
annual  pension.— See  Rulhie're's  "  Anecdotes  sur  la  Russie." 

t  Only  twenty-three.  J  Johnson. 

o 


158  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

will  cost  the  house  of  Saxony  the  throne."  This 
was  one  of  those  safe  calculations  of  cause  and  effect 
which  enable  the  thinking  mind  to  speak  with  the 
true  spirit  of  prophecy.  Nor  did  Poniatowski  deviate 
from  the  line  of  conduct  which  was  anticipated ;  for 
so  indefatigably  di<J  he  follow  up  the  advantage  he 
had  gained  over  Catharine's  heart,  that  shortly  after 
this  time  she  introduced  her  lover  to  some  young 
Poles,  with  whom  she  was  supping,  as  their  future 
king.  With  so  little  circumspection  was  the  love 
affair  carried  on,  that  even  the  grand-duke,  regardless 
as  he  was  of  his  wife,  and  whose  treatment,  in  fact, 
had  emancipated  her  from  all  ties  to  him,  except 
those  which  "  the  church  links  withal,"  began  to  think 
it  was  time  to  open  his  eyes,  and  exclaim  "  non  om- 
nibus dormio!"  The  grand-chancellor,  too,  Bestu 
cheff,  who  was  one  of  Catharine's  confidants,  was 
disgraced  about  this  time,  and  the  loss  of  his  protec 
tion  further  exposed  Poniatowski  to  animadversion 
For  some  months  the  overs'  embraces  were  im 
bittered  by  the  tears  of  anticipated  separation,— 
every  meeting  was  ended  with  lingering  looks  of 
regret. 

"And  though  they  hope  and  vow,  they  grieve, 
As  if  that  parting  were  the  last." 

At  length  the  dreaded  day  arrived;  the  Polish 
minister  recalled  his  emissary,  and  in  vain  Catharine 
and  her  train  supplicated  the  empress  on  their  knees 
and  with  tears ;  Poniatowski  was  sent  to  Poland  to 
lament  over  his  blighted  hopes,  and  his  mistress  was 
left  to  weep  till  she  could  find  a  new  gallant  to  con- 
dole with  her.  The  young  count  carried  back  with 
him  a  letter  to  his  father  from  the  grand-dutchess, 
containing  these  words :  "  Charles  XII.  distinguished, 
your  merit ;  I  shall  know  how  to  distinguish  your 
son's,  and  raise  him,  perhaps,  above  Charles  XII. 
himself."  The  old  man  treasured  up  this  epistle,  and 
always  carried  the  precious  document  in  his  bosom. 


RUSSIAN   ASCENDENCY.  159 

At  the  same  time  Catharine  cherished  an  implacable 
animosity  against  the  Saxon  Prince  Charles,  and  the 
French  and  Austrian  ambassadors,  who  she  fancied 
had  been  instrumental  in  Poniatowski's  removal; 
and  she  did  not  fail,  as  the  sequel  of  the  history  will 
show,  to  retaliate  when  she  had  the  power. 

All  these  circumstances  tended  to  increase  the  Rus- 
sian influence  over  the  destinies  of  Poland.  When 
even  the  proudest  of  the  Polish  nobles  could  so  openly 
recognise  the  supremacy  of  their  ambitious  neighbour 
as  to  beg  for  the  crown  as  a  fief,  that  neighbour  must 
have  been  conscientious  indeed,  and  more  so  than 
any  of  the  more  civilized  states  of  Europe,  to  dis- 
claim the  right  thus  admitted.  Even  Turkey  now 
abandoned  all  resistance  to  the  encroachments  of 
Russia  on  this  devoted  republic,  as  it  has  been 
strangely  designated.  Mustapha  was  sultan,  and  hav- 
ing a  taste  for  war,  or  rather  for  military  gewgaws 
and  shows,  entertained  a  high  opinion  of  Frederic 
the  Great,  and  in  defiance  of  the  laws  of  Mahomet 
kept  by  him  his  portrait,  which,  even  to  the  present 
day,  is  the  only  picture  said  to  be  ever  admitted  into 
the  seraglio. 

Nor  did  the  Prussian  king  neglect  to  cherish  and 
make  use  of  this  admiration ;  he  wrote  to  the  sultan, 
and  descended  to  the  fulsome  flattery  which  even  he 
could  stoop  to  when  it  answered  his  purpose.  "  You 
ought  to  have  been  born  three  ages  sooner,"  ran  the 
letter;  but  the  compliment  was  thrown  away  on 
Mustapha,  who  in  vain  consulted  all  his  wise  men 
about  the  meaning  of  it.*  The  sultan,  however,  gave 
Frederic  the  credit  of  intending  to  say  something 
polite,  and  promised  in  return  to  enter  into  an  ami- 
cable arrangement  with  Prussia,  and  consequently 
Russia,  in  token  of  which  he  made  his  troops  set  out 
to  attack  the  Austrians. 

But  while  Frederic's  heart  yet  beat  high  with  the 

*  RulhiSre,  vol.  i.  p.  320. 


160  HISTORY    OF   POLAND. 

hope  of  his  hated  rival's  ruin,  by  means  of  the  over- 
whelming league  he  had  formed  against  her,  an  un- 
expected event  falsified  all  his  calculations.  In  1762 
Catharine  made  the  murdered  body  of  her  husband 
her  footstool  to  the  throne  of  Russia,  and  the  death 
of  Peter  loosened  the  bonds  of  alliance  with  Prussia. 
These  were  tidings  of  great  joy  to  Poland,  which 
stood  trembling  between  her  armed  and  leagued 
neighbours,  whose  mutual  jealousy  was  her  only 
safeguard.  But  none  of  the  Poles  could  have  received 
the  news  more  gladly  than  Poniatowski. 

Count  Brulh,  who  could  so  conveniently  adapt  him- 
self to  events,  was  the  first  to  announce  the  affair  to 
the  young  count.  His  messenger  found  him  in  bed, 
with  a  picture  of  the  empress  on  both  sides  of  him, 
one  in  the  character  of  Bellona,  and  the  other  as 
Minerva.  On  hearing  the  tidings,  Poniatowski  leaped 
from  the  bed  almost  frantic'with  joy,  and  on  his  knees 
addressed  Heaven  and  the  pictures  in  turn.  He  was 
already  on  his  flight  to  the  arms  of  his  mistress,  but 
his  uncles  prudently  detained  him  till  they  had  ascer- 
tained the  posture  of  affairs. 

Catharine  gave  Poniatowski's  impetuosity  plenty 
of  time  to  cool,  for  she  did  not  send  him  a  single 
message  or  line  for  more  than  a  month.  Rumour  in 
the  mean  time  explained  this  delay,  but  not  at  all  to 
the  young  count's  satisfaction;  for  she  whispered  that 
OrlofF,  a  young  Russian,  who  had  been  instrumental 
in  raising  the  empress  to  the  throne,  had  stepped  into 
his  place.  At  length  the  wished-for  billet  arrived, 
containing  these  words  concerning  her  ambassador, 
"  I  send  Keyserling  to  Poland  with  orders  to  make 
you,  or  your  cousin  Prince  Adam  Czartoryski,  king." 
To  counterbalance  this,  it  contained  mention  of 
Orloff  's  services,  which  Poniatowski  felt  were  praised 
far  too  warmly  for  mere  gratitude.  In  the  midst  of 
this  alternation  of  hope  and  fear,  joy  and  perplexity, 
we  will  leave  the  disappointed  count  weeping,  as  was 
his  ridiculous  custom  to  do,  and  proceed  to  inquire 


STRUGGLE    OF    PARTIES.  161 

what  was  the  result  experienced  by  the  rest  of  the 
Poles  on  this  change  in  the  dynasty  of  the  Russian 
empire. 

Catharine  immediately  tapered  the  towering  hopes 
of  Frederic,  by  countermBHing  her  troops,  and  thus 
blighted  an  undertaking  which  might  have  been  of 
momentous  import  to  the  Polish  state.  She  did  not 
forget  her  resentment  against  Prince  Charles,  Duke 
of  Courland',  and  informed  Augustus,  very  coolly, 
that  he  must  depose  him.  Opposition  was  in  vain, 
and  after  some  useless  demur  the  order  was  obeyed, 
and  Biron,  the  former  Russian  duke,  reinstated. 
This  compliance  was  exacted  by  the  dread  of  15,000 
Russians  in  Courland,  and  2000,  whose  stay  had  been 
prolonged  ever  since  the  late  war,  at  Graudentz,  a 
strong  town  in  the  palatinate  of  Culm.  This  treat- 
ment of  his  son  was  a  heavy  blow  to  Augustus ;  Po- 
land had  now  no  more  charms  for  him,  for  the  small 
remnant  of  power  which  Russia  left  him  was  wrested 
from  him  by  the  contending  factions.  Fortunately, 
peace  now  restored  to  him  Saxony,  and  an  asylum 
from  the  troubles  and  vexations  of  his  kingdom,  nor 
did  he  delay  long  to  avail  himself  of  it. 

But  while  Augustus  was  so  ready  to  abandon  his 
throne,  there  was  another  who  was  longing,  and  lite- 
rally crying  for  it.  Poniatowski  soon  found  that  no 
competition  was  to  be  feared  from  Adam  Czartoryski, 
who  was  too  modest  to  aspire  to  an  honour  which 
his  father  had  aimed  at  and  could  not  attain ;  and  he 
then  urged  him  the  more  earnestly  and  with  the 
greater  show  of  sincerity  to  accept  the  offer  of  the 
empress.  But  there  are  moments  when  the  heart 
will  make  itself  heard  in  spite  of  the  wiliest  hypocrite, 
and  in  these  the  count  was  heard  to  say,  "  We  must 
not  make  fortunes  for  others  which  we  may  make 
for  ourselves." 

The  ambassador  whom  Catharine  sent  to  Warsaw 
to  further  her  former  lover's  views  was  Cp'int  Key- 
serling,  an  old  diplomafist,  who  had  grown  gray  in 
02 


162  HISTORY    OF   POLAND. 

intrigues  and  villany.  He  had  been  originally  a 
professor  in  the  university  of  Konigsberg,  and  during 
one  of  his  missions  to  Poland  had  seen  Poniatowski 
when  a  child,  and  amuse^iimself  with  giving  him 
instructions  in  Latin ;  in  •hembrance  of  which,  he 
now  still  called  him  his  son  and  pupil. 

Poniatowski  and  the  Czartoryskis,  however,  met 
with  opposition;  but  this,  in  fact,  only  served  to 
advance  their  interest,  as  it  became  a  pretext  for  the 
direct  interference  of  Russia.  Prince  Radziwill  was 
their  mortal  enemy,  and  besides  being  the  richest  and 
most  powerful  noble  in  the  kingdom,  was,  in  spite 
of  them,  appointed  Palatine  of  Wilna,  the  most  im- 
portant officer  in  Lithuania.  He  had  even  a  regular 
army  at  his  service,  which  was  furnished  with  artil- 
lery. With  this  equipage  he  went  to  Wilna  to  assume 
the  authority  of  his  office,  which  he  proceeded  to 
exercise  in  investigating  the  elections  of  deputies  in 
direct  opposition  to  the  intrigues  of  the  Czartoryskis. 

This  party,  however,  backed  as  they  were  by  the 
Russian  interest,  and  who  had,  besides,  at  their  dis- 
posal the  treasure  and  anny  of  Lithuania,  assembled 
to  check  their  rival's  intention.  But  they  were  not 
sufficiently  strong  to  awe  Radziwill,  who,  although 
his  opponents  had  confederated  and  sent  for  Russian 
assistance,  persevered  in  his  object.  Catharine  was 
not  yet  firmly  seated  on  her  throne,  and  was  obliged 
to  concede  something  to  the  will  of  her  ministers ; 
and  she  did  not  at  first  dare  to  send  troops  to  Poland 
with  the  avowed  purpose  of  aiding  a  faction. 

She  therefore  pretended  that  they  were  only  to 
march  through  Lithuania,  on  their  route  from  Cour- 
land  to  the  Ukraine.  Even  this,  without  permission, 
was  an  aggression ;  but  the  Poles  had  too  long  de- 
graded themselves  in  the  scale  of  nations  to  be  able 
much  to  resent  the  insult.  Her  emissaries  privately 
threatened  the  Radziwillians,  and  she  more  than 
hinted  to  the  king  by  letter  that  she  must  interfere 
if  he  continued  to  favour  that  party. 


THE    PATRIOT    BRANICKI.  163 

Eight  thousand  Russians,  who  announced  them- 
selves only  as  a  vanguard  of  a  larger  body,  entered 
Lithuania  and  encamped  near  Wilna.  But  the  Poles, 
who  always  reserve  theirenergies  for  the  last  emer- 
gency, so  far  from  bein^launted  by  this  army,  ex- 
claimed against  the  villany  of  Poniatowski  and  his 
party,  who  were  ready  to  sell  their  country  to  its 
enemies.  "  Poland,"  said  they,  "  will  have  no  arbiter 
but  God!"  Prince  Radziwill,  with  an  increased 
army,  kept  watch  on  the  movements  of  the  traitors 
and  their  Russian  allies,  being  determined  to  exter- 
minate them  on  the  first  appearance  of  violence.  The 
old  but  excellent  Branicki  and  his  band  of  patriots 
supported  the  prince  with  heart  and  soul ;  and  Mok- 
ranowski  was  sent  to  the  Russian  ambassador,  Key- 
serling,  to  demand  an  explanation  of  his  mistress's 
conduct. 

Keyserling  felt  that  he  must  temporize,  and  having 
in  vain  tempted  the  noble  envoy  with  bribes,  assured 
him  that  Catharine  had  no  inimical  design,  and  that 
the  troops  would  be  soon  withdrawn.  Frederic  of 
Prussia  was  rather  alarmed  at  the  movement  of  the 
Russians ;  and  the  cham  of  the  Crimea,  learning  that 
they  were  approaching  the  frontiers,  where  he  was 
encamped,  sent  their  general  this  message :  "  If  you 
touch  a  single  Polish  hut,  in  five  days  I  will  come  to 
breakfast  with  you  with  a  hundred  thousand  Tartars." 
Afraid  of  these  consequences,  Catharine  ordered  her 
troops  to  leave  Lithuania. 

Poniatowski  wept  with  rage  at  seeing  his  traitorous 
designs  on  his  country  again  frustrated.  He  was 
present  on  the  daywhen  Branicki,  his  brother-in-law, 
was  leaving  Warsaw  after  the  negotiation  with  Key- 
serling ;  and  the  old  man,  espying  him,  made  him  get 
into  his  carriage,  and  began  to  reason  with  him,  in 
hopes  of  kindling  some  sparks  of  patriotism  in  his 
breast.  "  Your  ambition,"  said  the  venerable  monitor, 
"  misleads  you ;  it  is  conducting  you  to  slavery,  and 
perhaps  your  greatest  success  will  only  serve  to  mark 


164  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

the  epoch  of  the  entire  destruction  of  your  country." 
Poniatowski  answered  only  with  tears.  The  grand- 
general,  inquiring  how  he  was  to  interpret  them,  and 
receiving  no  answer  but  fresh  tears  and  muttered 
invectives  against  the  housPQf  Saxony,  stopped  ,his 
carriage  for  his  degenerate  relative  to  alight,  drove 
on,  and  never  spoke  to  him  again. 

Fortune,  however,  was  not  so  stern  towards  the 
count  as  his  brother  had  been ;  for  she  now  drew 
from  her  wheel  a  prize  for  him,  which  soon  proved 
to  be  nothing  less  than  the  crown  he  sighed  for. 
The  news  arrived  that  Augustus  was  dead,  and 
Poniatowski  breathed  freely  again.  This  event  hap- 
pened on  the  5th  of  October,  1763.  He  was  then  in 
his  sixty-seventh  year,  and  had  reigned  thirty.  This 
monarch  was  one  of  those  men  who  have  nothing 
distinct  from  their  species,  merely  nati  consumers 
fruges.  His  character  is  too  easily  read  to  require 
any  commentary.  These  "  stupidly  good"  princes 
are  more  fatal  to  states  in  dangerous  times  than 
despots  themselves ;  for  the  latter,  in  such  cases,  are 
not  allowed  time  to  misemploy  their  talents  or  their 
cunning.  "  Augustus,"  says  Solignac,*  "  had,  like 
his  father,  all  the  virtues  of  peace,  but  very  little  mili- 
tary talent ;  the  crown  of  Poland  was  the  cause  of 
misfortune*  to  boih."  The  worthy  secretary  of  Stan- 
islas seems  to  have  overtaxed  his  candour  in  the 
former  clause  of  this  sentence  ;  the  combination  of 
"  all  the  virtues  of  peace"  would  have  made  a  much 
greater  man  than  Poland  has  been  fortunate  enough 
to  possess  for  a  king. 

This  reign  was  more  propitious  to  the  cause  of 
learning  than  the  preceding.  Among  the  followers 
of  Stanislas  to  France  were  the  Bishops  Zaluski,  and 
the  Abbe  Konarski,  who  brought  back  to  Poland  an 

*  Histoire  de  Pologne,  vol.  vi.  Solignac  was  secretary  to  Stanislas 
Leszczynski,  and  accompanied  him  to  Lorraine.  His  history  is  carried 
down  to  1773,  but  we  cannot  give  it  much  credit  for  accuracy,  liberality,  or 
impartiality.  It  is  of  some  use,  however,  as  a  check  on  the  Polish 
historians. 


PROGRESS  OF  LEARNING.         165 

ardent  enthusiasm  for  studious  pursuits,  and  a  wish 
to  elevate  their  national  literature  from  its  debase- 
ment. Zaluski,  Bishop  of  Kiow,  traversed  almost  all 
the  countries  of  the  Continent  in  quest  of  books  and 
manuscripts,  devoting  the" whole  of  his  revenues  and 
property  to  this  noble  purpose.  After  forming  a 
princely  collection  of  more  than  200,000  volumes,  he 
made  a  present  of  it  to  the  public. 

The  exertions  of  Konarski  were  not  less  praise- 
worthy. He  was  of  the  society  of  the  Piarists,  an 
order  which  had  been  introduced  into  Poland  in  1642, 
on  precisely  opposite  principles  to  the  Jesuits.  He 
established  a  college  at  Warsaw  (Collegium  Nobilium 
Scholarum  Piarum)  at  his  own  expense.  His  pub- 
lications on  learning,  politics,  and  religion  were 
written  in  the  boldest  spirit  of  reform ;  he  introduced 
the  legitimate  drama,  and  freed  education  from  the 
conventual  shackles  of  the  Jesuits.  His  exertions 
were  at  first  "  as  the  small  pebble"  that  "  stirs  the 
peaceful  lake,"  but  they  soon  spread  wider  and  wider 
throughout  Poland;  and  all  the  glorious  attempts 
since  made  at  enlightened  reform  in  literature  and 
policy,  may  be  said  to  have  owed  their  existence 
to  him. 


166  HISTORY    OF  POLAND. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Forced  Election  of  Stanislas  Poniatowski— Bold  Resistance  of  Mokra 
nowski — Confederation — The  Confederates  offer  the  Crown  to  Henry, 
Brother  of  Frederic  the  Great— Coronation  of  Stanislas — Anecdote 
of  Stanislas — Claims  of  the  Dissidents;  supported  by  Russia ;  rejected 
by  the  Diet — Confederacy  of  the  Dissidents— Confederacy  of  the  Con- 
stitutionalists— Repnin's  Treachery — Polish  Bishops  banished  to  Si- 
beria— Dissidents  confirmed  in  their  Rights— Confederacy  of  Bar — 
Attempt  to  seize  Repnin — Bar  taken  by  the  Russians— Rupture 
between  Russia  and  Turkey— Defeat  of  the  Turks— State  of  the  Con- 
federates—The Confederates  transfer  their  Council  to  Eperies — Visited 
by  Joseph  IL 

NOTHING  perhaps  awakens  more  passions,  bad  and 
good,  than  competition,  and  few  things  have  been 
sought  with  more  eagerness  than  a  crown.  In  addi- 
tion to  the  stimulus  which  Poniatowski  felt  in  com- 
mon with  other  aspirants  to  the  Polish  diadem,  his 
long  expectations,  which  must  have  almost  grown 
into  a  claim  in  his  own  mind,  spurred  him  on  to  the 
contest.  His  cousin,  whose  name  Catharine  had  put 
as  a  candidate  with  his,  had  entirely  abandoned  the 
field,  and  even  sent  his  written  determination  to  the 
empress  to  that  purport.  But  the  deceitful  count, 
either  from  the  idea  of  adding  effect  to  his  situation, 
or  in  conformity  with  his  habit  of  hypocrisy,  affected 
the  greatest  sensibility  at  the  thought  of  the  important 
charge  he  was  about  to  take  on  himself,  and  this  too 
at  the  very  time  when  he  was  forging  new  chains  for 
his  country.  "  I  foresee,"  said  he,  "  that  I  shall  have 
a  difficult  reign ;  I  shall  find  only  the  thorns  while  I 
leave  to  others  the  flowers.  Perhaps,  like  Charles  I. 
of  England,  I  shall  suffer  a  long  imprisonment." 
The  amusements  which  this  sentimentalist  marked 
out  for  himself  to  while  away  the  tedium  of  this 
prophesied  confinement,  were  the  care  of  his  toilet, 
the  study  of  his  curls,  and  the  folds  of  his  cravat. 


RIVAL   CLAIMS    TO    THE    CROWN.  167 

The  Poles  in  general,  or  at  least  all  those  who  did 
not  expect  any  advantage  from  the  enslavement  of 
their  country,  would  not  allow  themselves  to  imagine 
that  Poniatowski,  one  of  Catharine's  kept  men,  could 
ever  wear  the  Polish  crown ;  and  wished  their  hero 
Branicki  to  accept  it,  in  full  confidence  that  he  would 
restore  its  tarnished  lustre.  But  although  age  had 
not  chilled  Branicki's  patriotism,  it  had  curbed  hi& 
spirit  of  enterprise,  and  he  felt  that  even  were  he 
elected  he  should  be  king  only  of  half  his  people. 

Count  Oginski,  who  had  married  Michael  Czarto- 
ry ski's  daughter,  was  another  and  powerful  rival  to 
Poniatowski.  He  went  to  Petersburg  in  the  hope 
of  subverting  his  relative's  interest  with  Catharine^ 
and  even  Orloff  exclaimed  in  full  court  when  he  saw 
him,  "  This  is  the  man  who  ought  to  be  king,  and 
not  a  poor  player  like  Poniatowski."  But  the  em- 
press was  resolute,  and  when  she  was  told  one  day 
that  her  lover's  grandfather  had  been  a  dependant  of 
the  Sapiehas,  she  coloured  at  the  word,  but  exclaimed 
imperiously,  "  Had  he  been  so  himself,  I  wish  him  ta 
be  king,  and  he  shall  be  !" 

Nor  did  Catharine  confine  herself  to  mere  protesta- 
tions ;  she  kept  60,000  troops  on  the  frontiers  ready 
to  enforce  her  will,  and  sent  Prince  Repnin  to  War- 
saw to  urge  on  the  tardy  Keyserling.  He  was  a  fit 
agent  for  such  a  mistress  and  such  a  mission.  He 
said,  before  his  departure,  that  "  his  sovereign  should 
give  Poland  whatever  king  she  thought  fit,  the 
meanest  gentleman,  Polish  or  foreign ;  and  that  no- 
power  on  earth  could  hinder  her."  He  had  been  one 
of  Poniatowski's  boon  companions  at  Petersburg,, 
and  felt  a  pleasure  in  renewing  his  acquaintance- 
He  brought  him  100,000  ducats,  and  assured  him  of 
further  support. 

Frederic  wished  to  conciliate  Catharine;  he 
seemed  to  enter  into  all  her  views,  and  signed  a 
treaty  to  prevent  all  change  in  the  Polish  government,, 
and  to  confer  the  crown  on  a  Piast.  He  also  sent  her 


168  HISTORY  OF   POLAND. 

lover  the  riband  of  the  order  of  the  Black  Eagle,  as 
a  testimony  of  his  favour.  Forty  thousand  Prussians 
were  on  the  frontiers,  and  ten  thousand  Russians 
were  on  their  march  to  Warsaw. 

Branicki  and  Radziwillwere  still  firm  to  their  duty : 
the  latter  arrived  at  Warsaw  with  a  considerable 
number  of  troops,  which,  with  the  other  forces  of  the 
republicans,  amounted  to  3000  men. 

On  the  7th  of  May,  1764,  which  was  the  stated  time 
for  opening  the  diet  of  election,  the  Russians  were 
drawn  up  without  the  city,  and  guarded  all  the  ave- 
nues. Poniatowski  was  strongly  guarded,  and  the 
whole  of  the  senate-house  was  rilled  with  soldiers* 
But  only  eight  senators  out  of  fifty  appeared ;  and 
Malachowski,  whose  duty  it  was  to  open  the  session, 
as  marshal  of  the  last  diet,  did  not  for  some  time 
make  his  appearance.  Mokranowski  was  engaged 
during  this  interval  in  registering,  in  the  very  building 
which  was  invested  by  his  enemies,  a  manifesto 
against  the  legality  of  the  diet,  held  under  the  awe 
of  foreign  arms. 

When  this  was  done,  Mokranowski  entered  the 
house,  leading  the  old  marshal,  who  held  his  staff 
reversed,  which  was  a  sign  that  the  diet  was  not  yet 
opened.  Mokranowski  exclaimed,  with  a  high  voice^ 
"  Since  the  Russian  troops  hem  us  in,  I  suspend  the 
authority  of  the  diet."  Immediately,  the  host  of 
soldiers  who  were  present  drew  their  swords,  and 
rushed  at  the  bold  patriot.  This  first  outrage  was 
prevented ;  and  Mokranowski,  sheathing  his  sword, 
which  he  had  drawn  in  his  defence,  and  looking  round 
at  the  deputies,  who  wore  cockades  of  the  Czar- 
toryski  family  colours,  said  to  them, "  What,  gentle- 
men, are  you  deputies  of  your  country,  and  assume 
the  livery  of  a  family  ?" 

The  old  marshal  then  spoke :  "  Gentlemen,  since 
liberty  no  longer  exists  among  us,  I  carry  away  this 
staff,  and  I  will  never  raise  it  till  the  public  is  de- 
livered from  her  troubles."  Mokranowski  supported 


RUSSIAN    DICTATION.  169 

the  old  man,  and  again  drew  on  himself  the  ven 
geance  of  the  villanous  soldiers.  "  Strike,"  shouted 
he,  crossing  his  arms,  "  strike,  I  shall  die  free,  and  in 
the  cause  of  liberty !"  This  signal  determination 
arrested  the  arms  raised  against  him,  and  his  enemies 
feared  to  render  their  cause  obnoxious  by  the  mas- 
sacre of  such  a  justly  respected  patriot.  They 
turned  to  the  marshal,  and  ordered  him  to  resign  the 
staff;  but  he  was  made  of  equally  impenetrable  stuff 
as  his  coadjutor.  "You  may  cut  off  my  hand,"  he 
said, "  or  take  my  life  ;  but  I  am  marshal,  elected  by 
a  free  people,  and  I  can  only  be  deposed  by  a  free 
people.  I  shall  retire."  This  venerable  man  was 
eighty  years  old.  They  surrounded  him,  and  op- 
posed his  departure;  but  Mokranowski,  perceiving 
their  violence,  cried  out,  "  Gentlemen,  respect  this 
old  man ;  let  him  go  out !  If  you  must  have  a  victim, 
here  am  I : — respect  age  and  virtue !"  At  the  same 
time  he  repelled  the  attacks  on  him ;  and  the  crowd 
reached  the  door,  which  the  chiefs  of  the  opposite 
party  ordered  to  be  opened,  being  afraid  of  the  con- 
sequences. 

The  determined  conduct  of  these  two  patriots  de- 
prived the  faction  of  even  a  semblance  of  consti- 
tutional sanction  of  their  lawless  proceedings ;  but 
Poniatowski,  who  was  now  growing  more  expe- 
rienced in  the  arts  of  despotism,  prolonged  the  diet, 
and  ordered  the  deputies  to  commence  the  election 
of  a  marshal  as  if  no  protest  had  been  made.  Prince 
Adam  Czartoryski  was  chosen,  and  this  junto,*  con- 
sisting scarcely  of  eighty  members,  instead  of  about 
300,  with  self-constituted  authority,  and  in  defiance 
of  every  principle  of  law,  justice,  or  patriotism,  com- 
menced a  proscription  of  all  the  leading  constitution- 
alists. 

The  patriots,  finding  that  force  was  to  be  the 

*  It  is  remarked  by  Solignac,  that  most  of  the  nobles  present  attliia 
diet  were  in  the  German  costume;  whereas  if  this  had  been  the  ease  at 
any  other  time  ttiey  would  have  been  massacred.— Hist.  voL  vfc 
P 


170  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

arbiter,  left  Warsaw  in  two  bodies ;  one,  under  the 
grand-general,  proceeded  to  attempt  a  confederation 
in  Poland,  and  the  other,  under  Radziwill,  to  enter 
Lithuania  for  the  same  purpose.  When  the  diet 
heard  this,  they  deprived  the  grand-general  of  his 
office,  and  intrusted  it  to  Augustus  Czartoryski,  who 
had  orders  to  send  against  him  all  the  troops,  foreign 
or  native,  which  he  could  collect.  The  same  instruc 
tions  were  issued  with  regard  to  Radziwill. 

The  small  body  of  men  upder  Branicki  decreased 
daily,  and  they  were  obliged  to  take  refuge  on  the 
borders  of  Hungary.  Radziwill  on  his  road  encoun- 
tered a  detachment  of  Russians  and  gave  battle. 
His  wife  and  sister,  both  young  and  beautiful,  accom- 
panied him.  Such  a  cause,  and  such  an  emergency, 
have  before  now  nerved  the  delicate  female  to  tread 
the  field  of  warfare,  and  in  the  present  instance  these 
fragile,  lovely  creatures  were  to  be  seen  on  horseback, 
with  sabres  in  their  hands,  animating  their  brothers  in 
arms  to  revenge  their  betrayed  country.  Among  the 
Poles  there  was  one  individual  who  particularly 
attracted  their  notice  by  his  hardihood  and  beauty, 
and  they  honoured  him  with  their  personal  approba- 
tion. He  was  a  poor  and  obscure  gentleman,  named 
Moraski ;  but  one  of  Radziwill's  sisters  had  con- 
ceived such  an  admiration  of  him,  which  his  beauty 
had  fostered  into  love,  that  within  eight  days  after  the 
fight  she  conferred  on  him  her  hand,  dowered  with 
an  immense  fortune.  Hireling  barbarians  could  not 
at  first  resist  enthusiasm  like  this,  and  some  hun- 
dreds of  them  were  left  on  the  field.  But  strong  as 
patriotism  is,  it  is  not  irresistible  ;  and  traitors'  arms 
are  of  the  same  metal  and  temper  as  those  wielded 
by  the  warmest  lovers  of  their  country ;  Radziwill 
was  obliged  to  fly,  and  sought  refuge  in  Turkey. 

The  constitutionalists  now  turned  to  Prussia  as  a 
last  resource,  and  Mokranowski  flew  to  Berlin  to  have 
a  conference  with  Frederic.  He  pointed  out  to  him 
the  gross  violation  which  the  Russians  had  made  of 


MEANNESS    OF   PONIATOWSKI.  171 

fheir  constitution,  and  the  danger  of  their  encroach- 
ments. Frederic  pretended  that  the  republicans  had 
attempted  to  make  the  crown  hereditary  in  the  house 
of  Saxony.  "Besides,"  said  he,  "you  are  the 
weakest;  you  must  submit."  The  Pole  replied, 
"  Your  majesty  did  not  set  us  such  an  example ;  you 
resisted,  single-handed,  all  Europe."  "Without  a 
favourable  juncture,"  observed  the  king,  "  I  should 
have  been  undone."  "  One  presents  itself,"  returned 
Mokranowski ;  "and  your  majesty's  talents  have 
directed  fortune's  junctures."  Frederic  observed 
that  they  were  accustomed  to  receive  their  kings 
from  Russia.  "She  has  only  given  us  one,  and 
we  wish  no  more  from  her.  But  will  your  majesty 
never  appear  except  as  a  secondary  character  among 
us  1 — Assume  the  part  that  becomes  us :  give  us 
a  king;  give  us  your  brother,  Prince  Henry." 
"  He  will  not  turn  Catholic."  "  At  least,  sire,  pre- 
serve our  liberty."  The  king  assured  Mokranowski 
that  he  had  no  other  intention,  and  turning  the  con- 
versation on  the  Poles,  attempted  to  persuade  him  to 
enter  his  service,  so  justly  did  he  appreciate  merit. 
This  offer  was  declined,  and  they  parted. 

The  field  was  now  entirely  clear  for  Poniatowski, 
and  the  Russians  allowed  no  time  for  new  opposition. 
Keyserling,  the  ambassador,  was  enlisted  in  the 
count's  service  by  more  than  one  motive.  The  de- 
generate Pole  threw  himself  at  his  feet,  in  tears, 
and  swore  that  he  would  never  exert  his  regal  au- 
thority but  according  to  his  directions,  and  that  under 
the  name  of  Poniatowski  Keyserling  would  rule.  On 
the  7th  of  September,  1764,  barely  4000  nobles,  in- 
stead of  the  usual  number  of  80,000,  assembled  in  the 
field  of  election,  and  the  count  beheld  the  consumma- 
tion of  his  wishes.  • 

No  prince,  says  Rulhiere,  ever  ascended  the  throne 
under  more  perplexing  and  unfortunate  circumstances 
than  Stanislas  Augustus.  To  this  we  may  add,  none 
was  ever  less  qualified  to  remedy  them,  and  few  hare 


172  HISTORY   OF   POLAND. 

,  been  afflicted  with  them  more  deservedly.  He  had  no 
longer  the  support  of  Catharine;. her  jealousy  had 
been  roused  by  rumours  of  his  gallantries,  and  her 
good  sense  most  probably  saw  through  the  showy 
disguise  of  his  imbecility,  and  began  to  be  ashamed 
of  her  former  admiration.  With  so  little  satisfaction 
did  she  receive  the  news  of  his  election  from  Count 
Oginski,  that  she  said,  coolly,  "I  congratulate  you 
on  it,"  and  withdrew.  The  majority  of  the  Poles 
submitted  unwillingly,  and  even  those  who  had  been 
most  earnest  in  his  election  must  have  regarded  the 
traitorous  intrigue,  now  it  was  divested  of  its  bustle 
and  excitation,  in  its  natural  deformity. 

The  coronation  took  place  on  the  25th  of  Novem- 
ber, and,  as  if  to  observe  a  consistent  opposition  to 
the  laws,  it  was  performed  at  Warsaw,  instead  of 
Cracow.*  Stanislas,  ashamed  of  the  Polish  costume, 
which  he  would  in  fact  have  only  disgraced,  refused 
to  sacrifice  his  long  black  curls  to  appear  with  his 
head  cropped,  as  was  customary,  dressed  himself  in 
a  theatrical  style  with  a  helmet,  and  presented  him- 
self in  this  garb  to  receive  the  sacred  unction,  amid 
the  sneers  of  his  subjects. 

The  Czartoryskis  availed  themselves  of  the  oppor- 
tunity offered  by  the  coronation-diet  to  reform  the 
laws,  so  as  to  render  the  constitution  virtually  mo- 
narchical.! The  change  was  insidious,  but  time  ren- 
dered it  too  apparent.  This  same  assembly  decreed 
two  statues,  one  to  Augustus,  the  other  to  Michael 
Czartoryski.  On  the  same  night  placards  were  posted 
in  different  parts  of  the  city  with  this  merited  sarcasm: 

"  Erect  two  gibbets ;  that  is  their  fit  monument." 

Stanislas  bore  his  honours  as  might  be  expected ; 

*  Solignac. 

t  Justice,  however,  obliges  us  to  mention  that  many  of  the  changes 
were  really  beneficial,  such  as  those  relating  to  the  coinage,  and  weights 
and  measures.  Whether  the  tariff,  which  was  now  for  the  first  time 
introduced  into  Poland,  deserves  the  same  character,  is  at  least  a  ques- 
tionable point. 


PONIATOWSKI   MADE    KING.  173 

frivolity,  show,  and  extravagance  now  exhibited 
themselves  under  royal  protection.  He  p.elt-nded  to 
turn  his  attention  to  military  matters,  and  raised 
several  regiments ;  but  he  ordered  the  cadets  tj  wear 
such  immense  helmets  and  such  high  plumes,  that  a 
gust  of  wind  blew  downhis  young  army.  The  count, 
however,  sometimes  made  his  chameleon  character 
assume  the  show  of  a  stern  moralist  on  showy  follies 
and  extravagance,  and  on  this  account  we  can  readily 
believe  an  anecdote  told  by  Solignac.*  He  one  day 
went  to  pay  the  voyvode  of  Kiow  a  visit,  and  saw 
among  the  company  a  nobleman  very  conspicuous  by 
the  sumptuousness  and  costliness  of  his  dress.  The 
king  had  the  impertinence  to  ask  hirn  why  he  was 
decked  out  so  finely;  and  was  answered  that  it  was  a 
token  of  respect  to  his  majesty.  "  You  are  mis- 
taken," said  Stanislas,  with  disgusting  affectation, "  a 
Pole  ought  to  be  distinguished  only  by  courage  and 
talent." 

Even  now  Stanislas  Augustus  was  but  a  viceroy 
of  Russia.  The  ambassador  Repnin  remained  at 
Warsaw,  boasting  that  "  it  was  he  who  had  put  the 
crown  on  his  head,"  and  ready  to  make  him  feel  that 
it  was  he  also  who  kept  it  on.  More  than  20,000 
Russian  troops  were  scattered  over  the  kingdom,  and 
though  Branicki  and  his  party  had  been  allowed  to 
return  to  Poland,  and  did  not  offer  any  resistance  to 
the  existing  authority,  they  could  not  actively  support 
it.  The  king  had  also  destroyed  the  slight  check  of 
jealousy  which  Frederic  might  have  presented  to 
the  encroaching  influence  of  Russia,  in  displeasing 
that  monarch  by  proposals  to  Catharine  to  enter  into 
an  alliance  with  Austria,  Prussia's  mortal  enemy. 
Stanislas  Augustus  did  this  from  the  views  he  had  of 
forming  a  matrimonial  alliance  with  an  archduchess. 
Frederic  discovered  the  plot,  and  exclaimed,  with 
a  burst  of  rage,  "  I  will  break  his  head  with  his 
crown  I" 

*  Histoire  de  Pologne,  vol.  vi. 
P  2 


174  HISTORY    OF   POLAND. 

All  parties  regarded  the  approaching  diet  of  1766 
as  the  crisis  which  was  to  determine  their  fate.  The 
dissidents  looked  forward  to  it  for  the  restitution  of 
their  privileges  under  the  protection  of  Catharine. 
Poland,  formed  by  the  junction  of  states  professing 
different  religions,  was  naturally  tolerant,  but  still  the 
Roman  Catholic  was  predominant.  The  next  power- 
ful sect,  the  Greek  church,  was  united  to  the  papists 
in  the  enjoyment  of  offices  and  privileges.  Those 
properly  called  dissidents,  such  as  the  Lutherans  and 
Calvinists,  were  chiefly  of  the  lower  orders  in  the 
towns  of  Polish  Prussia,  and  numbered  but  very  few, 
and  those  the  poorer  nobles,  in  their  sect.  The 
Catholics  have  always  been  "exclusives;"  and,  as  we 
have  already  seen,  on  the  accession  of  Augustus  III. 
they  deprived  the  dissidents,  that  is,  the  few  nobles 
who  still  lingered  in  that  sect,  of  all  personal  share 
in  the  government.  They  had  still  the  privileges  of 
holding  military  offices,  and  the  right  of  election,  but 
could  not  be  deputies  themselves.  At  the  same  time, 
when  the  diet  decreed  these  disabilities,  they  declared 
those  dissidents  guilty  of  high-treason  who  im- 
plored the  protection  of  foreign  powers.  These 
Protestants  had  presented  a  petition  to  the  diet  of 
election  that  they  might  be  reinstated  in  their  former 
rights ;  but  the  bigoted  Catholics  had  treated  the  re- 
quest with  contempt,  torn  the  paper  in  pieces,  and  even 
deprived  the  dissidents  of  the  right  of  holding  offices.* 
They  renewed  the  application  at  the  coronation-diet, 
but  with  the  same  want  of  success.  In  imitation, 
therefore,  of  the  other  party,  they  determined  to 
sacrifice  the  general  good,  which  in  fact  was  now 
severed  from  theirs,  to  particular  interest,  and  obtain 
from  Russian  interference  what  their  own  nation 
refused  them.  The  battle  of  hostile  creeds  always 

*  We  use  nearly  the  same  words  as  a  Catholic  historian.  Even 
he  terms  such  outrageous  zeal  "  fanaticism."— See  Rulhi^re,  torn,  ii 
p.  318  and  270. 


RELIGIOUS    PARTIES.  175 

elicits  the  same  bad  passions ;  bigotry,  jealousy,  and 
revenge  are  ever  the  three  furies,  ready  to  kindle 
the  flame  of  religious  discord.  Catharine  listened 
to  their  memorial,  and  informed  the  Polish  ambas- 
sador that  their  demands  must  be  granted,  adding, 
"  I  forewarn  you  if  you  do  not  yield  to  me  what  I 
now  request,  my  demands  shall  be  without  bounds."* 
Repnin  also  presented  a  memorial  to  the  diet,  stating, 
that  "  his  mistress  wished  to  re-establish  the  dissi- 
dents, whether  Greeks,  Lutherans,  or  Calvinists,  in 
all  their  former  privileges ;  and  that  if  she  met  with 
any  opposition  which  resisted  persuasion,  she  should 
be  obliged  to  employ  force,  and  that  she  was  resolved 
upon  it."  The  following  declarations  sound  strangely 
in  a  Russian  despot's  mouth.  "  It  would  be  shutting 
one's  eyes  to  proofs,  not  to  admit,  as  a  principle,  that 
the  constant  refusal  to  listen  to  their  representations, 
and  to  do  justice  to  their  grievances,  must  neces- 
sarily produce  the  effect  of  freeing  them  from  their 
ties  to  an  association  in  whose  advantages  they 
would  no  longer  participate ;  and  that,  restored  fully 
to  the  condition  of  the  community  of  freemen,  they 
will  be  authorized,  without  any  law,  divine  or  human, 
forbidding  such  a  step  in  their  case,  to  choose  among 
their  neighbours  judges  between  them  and  their 
equals,  and  to  avail  themselves  of  their  alliance  if 
they  cannot  in,  any  other  way  defend  themselves 
from  persecution."!  The  Russians,  too,  had  suffi- 
cient forces  at  hand  to  support  their  authority ;  more 
than  20,000  were  still  in  Poland,  and  there  were 
40,000  on  the  frontiers. 

Stanislas  Augustus  had  further  weakened  his 
authority  by  alienating  from  himself  the  support  of 
his  uncles ;  so  that  the  deputies  for  the  approaching 
diet  were  divided  into  two  separate  parties.  Eight 

*  An  official  defence  of  the  cause  of  the  dissidents  was  published  at 
Petersburg  in  Dec.  1766.— See  "  Exposition  des  Droits  des  Dissidents." 

t  See  "  Exposition  des  Droits  des  Dissidents,"  to  which  this  "  Decla- 
ration" is  appended. 


176  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

only  were  of  neither  faction,  but  conscientious  pa 
triots ;  these  were,  Malacho  wski,  who  has  before  come 
under  our  eyes  in  such  an  honourable  point  of  view 
his'son,  Count  Wielhorski,  Count  Czazcki,  and  four 
Prussian  deputies. 

In  this  dilemma  the  king  found  himself  obliged  to 
conciliate  his  uncles,  and  the  two  parties  were  thus 
united  in  determined  opposition  to  all  concession  to 
the  dissidents.     In  pursuance  of  the  advice  of  his 
new  counsellor,  Stanislas  Augustus  convoked  the 
bishops,  and  other  senators  who  might  be  expected 
to  be  warmest  against  the  Protestants,  and  nearly  all 
pledged  their  oaths  to  support  him  in  his  resistance. 
Thus  reassured,  he  told  the  Russian  ambassador, 
"  that  he  was  determined  to  defend  his  holy  religion." 
The  diet  opened  on  the  6th  of  October,  and  after 
the  pacta  conventa  were  rea'd,  according  to  custom, 
before  the  united  bodies  of  senators  and  deputies, 
that  they  might  protest  against  any  infringement 
which  might  have  been  made,  Soltyk,  the  patriotic 
bishop  of  Cracow,  remarked  that  the  first  article  was 
concerning  the  defence  of  the  established  religion, 
and  he  felt  himself  bound  to  complain  of  the  dissi- 
dents for  having  sought  the  aid  of  foreign  powers, 
contrary  to  the  laws.    He  then  moved  that  they 
should  never  grant  them  any  concessions,  but  con- 
firm the  penal  statute.     The  Poles,  who  had  been  so 
disunited  in  their  country's  cause,  rose  now  with  one 
heart  and  voice  at  the  call  of  intolerance,  and  the 
diet  re-echoed  the  sentiments  of  the  bishop  with  a 
general  shout  of  acclamation.      But  Poniatowski's 
courage  began  to  fail  at  the  thought  of  such  open 
defiance  to  Russia,  and  he  deferred  this  subject  for  a 
future  day.     This  meeting,  however,  carried  one 
good  resolution ;  namely,  that  the  elections  in  the 
dietines  should  be  decided  by  plurality  of  suffrages, 
instead  of  unanimous  acclamation,  which  had  been 
the  cause  of  great  confusion  and  delay. 
The  Russian  ambassador,  in  the  niean  time,  wag 


VIOIENCE    OF   CATHARINE.  177 

making  a  counterplot.  He  now  addressed  himself 
to  the  constitutionalists,  and  all  the  former  oppo- 
nents of  Poniatowski.  He  told  them  that  now  was 
the  time  to  escape  from  the  yoke  that  had  been 
forced  on  them.  The  Radziwillians  and  the  par- 
tisans of  Saxony  also  listened  to  his  temptations. 
One  of  Russia's  most  active  agents  was  Podoski,  a 
man  admirably  suited  to  carry  on  such  an  intrigue. 
Although  an  ecclesiastic,  and  educated  for  the  church 
from  his  infancy,  he  appeared  at  Warsaw  as  an  ad- 
vocate of  the  dissidents.  The  reason  of  this  seem- 
ing anomaly  was  a  passion  he  had  long  felt  for  a 
Lutheran  widow.  The  most  upright  patriots  fell 
into  his  snares ;  to  all  remonstrances  from  the  court 
party  they  answered,  that  their  object  was  to  recover 
tiieir  lost  liberty,  and  overthrow  a  hated  dynasty, 
and  that  it  was  allowable  to  make  even  Russians 
eonduce  to  this  end. 

The  king  still  further  thinned  the  ranks  of  his  par- 
tisans by  attempting  to  carry  a  law  to  make  all 
motions  in  the  diet  concerning  the  military  forces 
and  taxes  carried  by  a  plurality  instead  of  a  una- 
nimity of  votes.  He  expected  that  this  would  enable 
him  to  obtain  some  power  over  the  diet,  since  he 
could  ensure  a  majority  although  he  could  not  stop 
every  patriot's  mouth.  This  attempted  innovation, 
however  salutary  it  might  have  eventually  proved, 
alarmed  the  deputies,  and  they  received  the  proposal 
with  shouts  of  indignation.  Many  of  those  who 
had  been  most  devoted  to  the  king  but  a  few  mo- 
ments before,  now  showed  themselves  his  adversa- 
ries, the  more  openly  as  they  had  to  regain  the  con- 
fidence of  the  new  party  they  then  adopted.* 

Catharine  only  increased  her  demands  in  favour  of 
the  dissidents,  and  40,000  Russians  entered  Poland. 
The  dissidents  confederated  at  Thorn,  on  the  20th 
of  March,  1767 ;  but  notwithstanding  old  men  and 

*  Rulhidie. 


178  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

even  children  were  pressed  into  the  service,  the  list 
of  confederates  contained  the  names  of  only  573 
gentlemen  of  the  Lutheran  or  Calvinistic  profession; 
artisans  and  peasants  composed  the  majority.*  This 
was  the  party  which  the  Russians  represented  as  a 
great  portion  of  the  nation,  and  which  the  Poles 
magnified  into  an  enemy  so  formidable  as  to  require 
such  determined  resistance.  But  still  the  malecon- 
tents  would  not  make  common  cause  with  these 
dissidents,  although  they  disowned  all  allegiance  to 
the  king. 

Repnin's  agent,  Podoski,  however,  planned  a  con- 
federation of  the  constitutionalists.  He  held  out  to 
them  the  hope  of  crushing  the  Czartoryskis,  pre- 
serving the  constitution  from  the  encroachments  of 
Poniatowski,  and  promised  in  Repnin's  name  that 
he  should  be  deposed.  All  the  old  patriots  rallied 
at  the  promise,  and  more  than  60,000  nobles  signed 
their  names  to  the  confederacy.  They  were  in  sus- 
pense on  whom  to  confer  the  office  of  marshal ;  but 
Catharine  anticipated  their  wishes,  and  ordered  them 
to  choose  the  patriot  prince  Radziwill,  whom  they 
accordingly  sent  for.  He  reached  Wilna  the  capital 
of  his  province  on  the  3d  of  June,  and  was  reinstated 
in  all  his  former  authority  and  possessions.  The 
marshals  of  178  particular  confederations  met  at 
Radom,  a  town  fifteen  miles  from  Warsaw. 

Repnin  showed  the  king  the  list  of  confederates, 

*  This  is  the  number  stated  by  Rulhiere,  but  the  printed  list  of  con- 
federates contains  only  304. 

The  following  are  the  grievances  complained  of  in  the  act  of  confede- 
ration :  prohibition  of  public  worship,  exclusion  from  offices,  corporations, 
and  incapacity  of  being  witnesses  in  law-cc  arts,  &c. 

A  deputy  duly  elected,  named  Pietrowski,  was  expelled  disgracefully 
from  the  diet  of  1718,  only  for  being  a  dissident.  Many  were  accused 
of  blasphemy,  their  property  was  confiscated,  and  they  were  obliged  to 
•escape  from  the  kingdom.  One  of  them,  of  the  name  of  Unruk,  having 
accidentally  lost  his  portfolio  containing  religious  extracts  from  differ- 
ent authors,  was  accused  of  blasphemy,  and  sentenced  to  lose  his  head 
The  tragedy  at  Thorn  was  too  bloody'  to  have  been  forgotten.  The  act 
concludes  by  calling  for  the  protection  of  Russia,  Sweden,  Great  Britain 
Denmark,  and  Prussia. — Goltz.  Staro$ta  of  Tuchel  Marshal, 


RUSSIAN    PERFIDY.  179 

and  said  to  him,  exultingly,  "  You  see  I  am  your 
master ;  you  can  retain  your  crown  only  by  submis- 
sion." The  king  now  began  to  make  some  conces- 
sions, and  the  Russian  was  less  decided  about  his 
dethronement. 

The  confederates  were  now  made  to  feel  their 
folly  in  trusting  to  Russian  faith.  A  detachment  of 
Catharine's  troops  encamped  near  Radom,  and  a 
Russian  colonel,  who  accompanied  Radziwill,  being 
desired  to  withdraw,  produced  an  order  from  his 
ambassador  to  be  present  at  all  deliberations  of  the 
confederates.  He  also  pulled  out  a  list  of  conditions, 
which  the  empress  required  to  be  unanimously  agreed 
to.  They  were  surprised  to  find,  that  besides  en- 
suring the  privileges  of  the  dissidents,  they  required 
Erotestations  of  fidelity  to  the  king,  and  an  aeknow- 
jdgrnent  of  Catharine's  right  of  interference.  The 
high  and  threatening  tone  of  the  colonel  immediately 
disclosed  to  them  the  snare  they  had  been  decoyed 
into,  and  they  wished  to  abjure  the  confederacy  and 
disperse.  Six  marshals  only,  put  of  178,  were  will- 
ing to  submit,  and  the  Russian,  under  pretext  of 
giving  them  guards  of  honour,  kept  them  in  custody 
till  he  could  receive  further  instructions  from  Rep- 
nin.  The  next  day  he  drew  up  a  battery  in  front 
of  the  town-hall,  where  the  Polish  nobles  were 
assembled,  and  while  his  men  stood  to  their  guns, 
with  lighted  matches,  he  ordered  the  marshals  to 
sign  the  manifesto.  Podoski,  who  had  just  arrived 
from  Warsaw,  where  Repnin  had  ensured  him  the 
archiepiscopal  see,  which  was  then  vacated,  was  the 
first  to  sign.  The  marshals  then  affixed  their  names 
also,  but  with  written  reservations,  which,  in  fact, 
annulled  the  meaning.  Radziwill  was  declared 
marshal,  and  the  confederates,  entirely  at  the  mercy 
of  the  Russians,  remained  in  suspense  to  see  the 
result. 

The  king's  resolution  entirely  forsook  him,  and 
he  submitted  to  Repnin  at  discretion.    All  parties 


180*  HISTORY    OF  POLAND. 

were  now  in  Russia's  power;  Radziwill  was  kept 
guarded,  and  the  ambassador  was  sole  despot.  He 
overruled  the  dietines  in  the  election  of  deputies  for 
a  diet,  and  obliged  most  of  them  to  sign  a  paper 
drawn  up  in  these  words ;  "  I  subscribe  and  .pledge 
myself  to  Prince  Repnin,  ambassador  plenipotentiary 
of  her  majesty  the  empress  of  all  the  Russias ;  and 
promise  him  that  I  will  have  no  connexion  or  corres- 
pondence, that  I  will  not  even  converse  with  any 
senator,  minister,  or  deputy,  with  any  ambassador 
or  other  foreign  minister,  or  with  any  one  whatever 
whose  sentiments  are  contrary  to  the  projects  pro 
posed  by  the  said  ambassador,  to  be  received  and 
passed  into  a  law  in  the  diet ;  moreover,  I  promise 
him  that  I  will  not  introduce  to  the  diet  any  thing 
of  all  that  has  been  enjoined  and  recommended  in 
my  instructions  from  the  nobles  of  my  district ;  and 
that,  in  a  word,  I  will  not  oppose  in  any  way  the  will- 
of  this  ambassador;  and  in  case  of  infraction  of 
this  engagement,  I  submit  myself  to  the  penalty  of 
degradation  of  rank,  confiscation  of  property,  death, 
or  any  such  like  punishment  it  may  please  the  said 
ambassador  to  inflict."  Let  this  speak  for  itself. 

The  diet  was  opened  on  the  5th  of  October,  1767; 
and  Repnin,  having  some  few  days  before  assured  the 
bishops  and  those  from  whom  he  expected  the  great- 
est resistance,  "that  whosoever  persisted  in  his 
obstinacy  should  repent  it,"  expected  implicit  obe- 
dience. The  first  proposal  was  to  establish  a  legisla- 
tive commission,  which  would  be  entirely  under  the 
control  of  Russia.  Some  few  patriots  yet  raised 
their  voices  against  the  gross  oppression ;  the  bishop 
of  Cracow  was  among  the  foremost,  and  his  exam- 
ple animated  others.  But  Russian  despotism  is  not 
accustomed  to  bear  such  opposition  with  impunity ; 
and  the  ambassador  determined  to  arrest  the  prin- 
cipal ringleaders  of  this  patriotic  sedition,  and  sent 
them  to  Siberia.  These  were  the  bishop  of  Cracow, 
the  bishop  of  Kiow,  the  palatine  of  Cracowrand  his 


PERSECUTION  OF  THE  PATRIOTS.  181 

son*  The  king,  who  could  not  forgive  the  recent 
opposition  he  had  experienced,  even  urged  Repnin  to 
take  this  villanous  step,  particularly  as  it  included 
the  bishop  of  Cracow.  On  the  13th  of  October, 
while  Soltyk,  the  bishop  of  Cracow,  was  supping 
with  his  friend,  the  marshal  of  the  court,  the  Russian 
soldiers  invested  the  house,  and  entered  by  three  dif 
ferent  ways.  There  was,  however,  still  one  unob- 
served passage  by  which  he  could  escape  and  take 
refuge  with  the  Prussian  ambassador.  This  he  dis- 
dained to  do  ;  and  when  the  soldiers  broke  into  the 
room  where  he  was,  he  rose,  and  approaching  the 
fireplace,  threw  into  the  flames  the  papers  contain- 
ing the  secret  plans  of  the  patriots,  which  he  always 
carried  on  his  person.  Then  turning  to  the  officer, 
he  said  to  him,  "  Do  you  know  me  ?  Do  you  know 
that  I  am  a  sovereign  prince,*  a  senator,  and  a  priest  ? 
The  Russian  answered,  his  orders  were  to  arrest 
him ;  and  Soltyk  followed  him  without  the  slightest 
emotion. 

On  the  same  night  the  other  marked  patriots 
shared  the  same  fate.  The  venerable  Zaluski,  bishop 
of  Kiow,  was  the  restorer  of  learning  in  Poland,  and 
had  devoted  an  immense  fortune,  besides  his  reve- 
nue, to  that  purpose.  By  his  own  exertions  he  had 
formed  a  library  of  200,000  volumes,  and  presented 
it  to  the  public ;  but  these  services  did  not  shield  him 
from  the  despotism  of  Russia,  and  he  was  arrested 
with  his  brother  patriots.  They  were  conducted  by 
a  military  guard  with  the  greatest  rigour  and  bar- 
barity towards  the  frontier,  nor  were  they  allowed 
even  the  liberty  of  speaking.  Catharine  offered 
them  their  liberty  if  they  would  promise  to  desist 
from  their  opposition ;  this  proposal  was  made  to 
each  separately  in  their  dungeons,  but  rejected  with 
disdain  by  every  one.  They  were  then  transferred 
to  Siberia,  and  the  empress,  wishing  to  erase  even 

*  He  was  sovereign  duke  of  Sevens. 

Q 


183  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

the  memory  of  such  patriotism,  forbade  all  mention 
even  of  their  names. 

This  scandalous  violation  of  all  national  and  indi- 
vidual right  made  a  great  sensation  among  the  Poles, 
and  the  senate  and  deputies  went  in  a  body  to  the 
king  to  protest  against  it.  They  found  this  effigy  of 
royalty  seated  quietly  in  his  study,  and  amusing 
himself  with  sketching  designs  of  pageants  for  the 
anniversary  of  his  coronation.  The  only  redress 
they  could  obtain  from  him  was  a  message  to  the 
ambassador  demanding  an  explanation  of  the  late 
proceeding.  Repnin  answered  that  he  was  respon- 
sible only  to  his  mistress ;  but  that  the  prisoners  had 
been  guilty  of  disrespect  to  the  empress,  had  en- 
deavoured to  attach  suspicion  to  her  intentions,  and 
that  they  should  not  be  set  at  liberty  until  the  busi- 
ness of  the  diet  was  entirely  settled.  He  also 
threatened  to  give  the  city  up  to  pillage,  if  any  fur- 
ther opposition  was  made  to  the  proposal  of  a  legis- 
lative commission,  and  that  he  would  bring  all  male- 
contents  to  the  scaffold. 

At  the  next  assembly  of  the  confederated  diet, 
Radziwill,  as  marshal  of  the  confederacy,  demanded 
if  they  agreed  to  the  motion.  Six  voices  only  an- 
swered the  first  inquiry,  three  the  second,  and  the 
third  produced  but  one  assent.  Sixty  commission- 
ers, however,  were  appointed  from  the  senate  and 
deputies,  with  sovereign  authority  to  decree  what- 
ever regulations  seemed  fit  with  regard  to  the  re- 
ligion, the  laws,  government,  frontiers,  and  privi- 
leges of  the  nation.  Their  resolutions,  propo* 
the  Russians,  were  to  be  brought  before  a  reg; 
diet,  who  were  to  have  only  the  right  of  ratir/mg 
them  without  any  discussion.  None  of  these  com- 
missioners were  to  absent  themselves  without  per- 
mission from  Repnin ;  fourteen  of  them  were  a  suf- 
ficient number  to  act ;  and  thus  a  majority  of  eight 
persons  had  it  in  their  power  to  decide  the  fate  of 
the  constitution. 


NEW    CONSTITUTION.  183 

•Repnin  was  now  uncontrolled  dictator;  he  had 
the  disposal  of  all  offices;  Poniatowski  submitted 
quietly  to  his  orders,  and  amused  himself  with  wit- 
nessing the  reviews  and  evolutions  of  the  Russian 
troops — a  worthy  employment  for  such  a  king.  He 
strove  to  win  Repnin's  favour  by  outdoing  even  his 
former  agents  in  servile  submission. 

The  conferences  of  the  commissioners  were  held 
alternately  at  the  ambassador's  and  the  prima^'s 
houses.  The  affair  of  the  dissidents  was  the  first 
that  was  laid  before  them,  and  eight  deputies  of  that 
sect  were  present  as  its  advocates.  The  ministers 
of  the  foreign  Protestant  courts,  England,  Prussia, 
Sweden,  and  Denmark,  were  also  admitted,  to  add 
weight  to  the  cause.  Repnin  even  here  played  the 
dictator,  and  checked  all  freedom  of  discussion. — 
This  business  was  concluded  on  the  19th  of  Novem- 
ber ;  the  dissident  nobility  were  then  admitted  to  the 
same  privileges  as  the  Catholics,  excepting  that  they 
were  not  eligible  to  the  crown. 

The  commission  next  proceeded  to  the  reform  of 
the  constitution.  The  liberum  veto  was  re-estab- 
lished in  all  its  absurd  extent,  and  Poland  was  thus 
continued  in  its  primitive  impotence,  incapable  of 
aggregate  exertion,  and  consequently  at  the  mercy 
of  its  ambitious  neighbour.  Some  few  laudable  re- 
forms were  mixed  with  these ;  the  serfs  were  some- 
what emancipated,  the  nobles  being  deprived  of  the 
right  of  life  and  death  over  them ;  and  pecuniary 
compositions  for  crime,  which  still  disgraced  Poland, 

re  now  abolished. 

The  diet  was  then  convened  to  ratify  this  new 
constitution.  It  was  the  most  scanty  assembly  ever 
known ;  most  of  the  senators  were  absent,  and  not  a 
single  Lithuanian  deputy  made  his  appearance.  But 
even  this  small  body  was  not  unanimous  in  submis- 
sion to  Russian  despotism, — one  of  the  Prussian 
deputies  protested  against  the  forced  diet  and  ab- 
sconded. The  diet  was  then  virtually  dissolved; 


184  HISTORY   OF   POLAND. 

but  although  the  Russians  had  themselves  enacted 
the  law  of  unanimity,  they  obliged  the  meeting  to 
continue  their  session,  and  give  their  sanction  to  the 
new  laws.  The  diet  was  dissolved  on  the  5th  of 
March,  and  the  confederation  of  Radom  broken^up. 

But  the  spirit  of  Polish  independence  was  not  en- 
tirely annihilated ;  while  the  Russians  were  lording 
,t  so  despotically  at  Warsaw,  patriotic  confederacies 
were  secretly  forming,  and  at  the  very  time  when  the 
diet  broke  up,  rumours  reached  Repnin's  ear  that 
they  were  already  matured.  The  bishop  of  Kamie- 
niec,  Krasinski,had  entered  into  the  spirit  which  ac- 
tuated Soltyk  in  opposing  the  Russian  subjugation, 
but  habit  and  character  made  him  adopt  more  wary 
expedients.  He  had  been  long  known  as  an  upright 
member  of  society,  but  had  been  always  considered 
timid  and  undetermined.  Constitutional  weakness 
made  him  shudder  at  the  report  of  a  gun,  and  faint 
at  the  sight  of  a  drawn  sword;  but  a  courageous 
spirit  tenanted  this  feeble  body,  and  even  when  his 
nerves  trembled  with  fear,  his  mind  laughed  at  the 
weakness,  and  remained  undaunted.  This  tempera- 
ment, however,  made  him  always  prefer  the  long 
course  of  wary  perseverance  which  requires  strength 
and  determination  of  mind,  to  the  dashing  style  of  ac* 
tion  which  demands  animal  spirit  and  strong  nerves. 

While  the  bishop  of  Cracow  was  declaiming  in  the 
diet,  he  was  negotiating  with  Turkey  for  aid  against 
Russia.  He  obtained  a  promise  of  support  from  the 
sultan,  provided  Austria  would  remain  neuter,  and 
his  next  object  was  to  ensure  this  proviso.  But 
cautious  as  he  was,  his  known  connexion  with  Sol- 
tyk rendered  him  an  object  of  Repnin's  suspicion, 
and  he  would  have  been  arrested  at  the  same  time  as 
the  other  patriots  had  he  not  eloped.  In  the  disguise 
of  a  physician  he  eluded  the  strictest  vigilance,  and 
was  even  called  on  to  prescribe  for  one  of  the  officers 
who  was  pursuing  him.  On  another  occasion,  when 
in  imminent  danger  of  being  discovered,  he  escaped, 


PATRIOTIC    CONFEDERACIES.  185 

concealed  in  an  old  chest,  which  served  as  a  seat  in 
a  peasant's  sledge.  When  he  had  arrived  in  a  place 
of  safety,  where  several  of  his  attendants  had  orders 
to  await  him,  he  assumed  the  Prussian  uniform,  as 
well  as  the  rest  of  his  little  troop;  and  in  this  disguise 
passed  several  Russian  detachments,  and  even  ap- 
proached Warsaw,  where,  having  made  some  com- 
munication with  his  party,  he  set  out  for  Silesia  on 
his  route  to  Vienna  to  obtain  the  promise  of  neu- 
trality. 

But  all  the  bishop's  wary  designs  were  frustrated 
by  the  impatience  of  one  of  his  partisans :  Joseph 
Pulawski,  starosta  of  Warka,  had  been  an  emissary 
between  the  bishops  of  Kamieniec  and  Cracow,  and 
entered  eagerly  into  their  projects.  He  had  long 
followed  the  profession  of  the  law,  and  was  chosen 
for  one  of  the  counsellors  of  the  confederation  of 
Radom.  Repnin  had  a  contemptible  opinion  of  him, 
and  made  no  demur  at  the  choice ;  but  the  bishop  of 
Cracow  read  his  character  better,  took  him  into  his 
confidence,  and  lodged  him  in  his  palace.  From 
this  moment  he  incurred  the  suspicion  of  Repnin, 
who,  one  day,  even  threatened  to  strike  him,  be- 
cause he  put  on  his  cap  in  his  presence,  though  he 
had  done  the  same.  This  personal  insult  added 
fresh  fuel  to  Pulawski's  patriotic  fire,  and  made  him 
impatient  to  revenge  himself  on  the  enemies  of  him- 
self, as  well  as  his  country.  The  bishop  of  Kamie- 
niec was  so  much  too  tardy  for  him,  that  he  resolved 
to  act  for  himself,  and  communicated  his  design  to 
several  of  the  nobles  at  Warsaw,  from  some  of 
whom  he  obtained  money,  and  from  others  orders 
for  their  domestic  troops.  Michael  Krasinski,  the 
bishop's  brother,  entered  promptly  into  his  schemes, 
and  these  two  left  Warsaw  to  traverse  the  country 
and  raise  confederates. 

Pulawski  was  accompanied  by  three  sons  and  his 
nephew.  Notwithstanding  their  youth,  he  took 
them  to  one  of  his  estates  near  Warsaw,  communi- 
Q2 


186  HISTORY    OF   POLAND. 

eated  his  designs,  and  employed  them  as  agents. 
Leopol,  the  capital  of  Polish  Russia,  was  the  first 
place  proposed  for  a  rendezvous  ;  but  finding  them- 
selves too  narrowly  watched  there,  they  fixed  on 
Bar,  a  little  town  in  the  palatinate  of  Podolia,  five 
leagues  from  Kamieniec,  and  seven  from  the  Turkish 
frontier.  Eight  gentlemen  only  formed  the  first 
assembly  of  the  confederacy.  Pulawski,  his  four 
relatives,  Count  Krasinski,  and  two  other  nobles,  but 
more  than  three  hundred  had  pledged  their  word. 
The  29th  of  February,  1768,  was  the  memorable  day 
which  dates  the  commencement  of  this  famous  con- 
federation. Their  first  step  was  to  sign  an  act  by 
which  they  renewed  the  confederation  of  Radom 
under  the  Marshal  Radziwill.  Their  manifesto  was 
a  protest  against  the  imposition  of  the  Russian 
yoke.* 

In  a  very  short  time  the  confederates  mustered 
8000  men ;  they  sent  deputies  to  Turkey,  Saxony, 
and  Tartary,  and  now  openly  invited  all  to  join  them. 
But  they  found  that  they  had  reason  to  apprehend 
that  they  were  premature  ;  the  whole  country  was 
occupied  by  the  enemy,  and  most  of  the  nobles  were 
without  arms.  When  the  bishop  of  Kamieniec  was 
informed  of  the  confederation,  he  was  so  enraged  at 
their  rash  impetuosity,  that  for  a  moment  he  wa- 
vered whether  he  should  discountenance  them ;  but 
patriotism  was  predominant  in  his  mind,  and  he 
hastened  to  Dresden,  Vienna,  and  Versailles  to  sue 
for  support. 

Repnin  was  violently  provoked  at  the  proceedings 
of  the  patriots,  and  perhaps  more  so  by  a  personal 
attack  in  their  manifesto.  He  threatened  to  mas- 
sacre them  all  without  delay,  but  he  was  not  bold 
enough  to  issue  the  order ;  the  Turks  reminded  him 
of  his  engagement  to  withdraw  his  troops,  and  he 
was  obliged  to  devise  some  semblance  of  a  just  pre- 

*See  Appendix. 


CONFEDERATES  DECLARED  REBELS.     187 

text  for  their  retention.  The  king,  afraid  of  his 
subjects,  readily  countenanced  this  design,  and  a 
small  number  of  servile  senators  requested  the  Rus- 
sians' protection  against  the  rebels,  as  they  termed 
them.  The  Russian  troops,  therefore,  were  set  in 
motion  against  the  confederates,  and  intercepted  all 
their  communications  with  Poland.  Several  skir- 
mishes took  place,  always  to  the  advantage  of  the 
patriots  ;  Pulawski  assembled  his  soldiers,  and  fur- 
ther animated  them  with  harangues. 

The  senate,  in  the  mean  time,  tried  what  could  be 
done  by  negotiation,  and  Mokranowski  was  ap- 
pointed emissary  to  the  confederates.  This  patriot 
himself  mistrusted  the  confederation,  and  feared  it 
was  but  a  badly  concerted  and  useless  rebellion. 
He,  however,  freely  accepted  the  commission,  wish- 
ing to  ascertain  the  state  of  affairs  with  his  own 
eyes,  and  trusting,  that  if  he  found  them  strong 
enough  to  deliver  their  country,  he  should  be  able  to 
draw  the  king  into  the  design ;  and  if  not,  that  he 
could  save  them  from  massacre  by  negotiation. 
The  king  even  assured  him  that  none  could  be  more 
ready  than  himself  to  throw  off  the  Russian  yoke. 
Before  his  departure,  Mokranowski  obtained  from 
the  senate  written  credentials,  in  which  the  patriots 
were  recognised  as  a  confederation,  and  thus  shielded 
from  the  consequences  of  illegal  rebellion. 

Repnin  in  the  interim  had  received  his  orders 
from  Russia.  Catharine  declared  the  confederates 
rebels  and  enemies  to  their  country  and  king,  and 
that  she  would  lay  waste  the  whole  kingdom  unless 
he  united  his  troops  with  hers.  Notwithstanding  an 
armistice  had  been  declared  during  the  conference, 
the  Russians  marched  seven  regular  regiments,  and 
5000  Cossacks,  towards  Bar,  burning,  pillaging,  and 
murdering  through  the  whole  course  of  their  route, 
and  attacked  small  parties  of  the  confederates  by 
surprise.  Pulawski  was,  told  that  his  three  sons  had 
perished  in  these  skirmishes ;  his  answer  was, "  I 


188  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

am  sure  they  have  done  their  duty."  But,  on  the 
contrary,  young  Casimir  Pulawski  was  still  living, 
and  had  repulsed  the  Russians  three  different  times, 
with  the  determination  and  experience  of  a  veteran, 
although  he  was  but  twenty-one  years  of  age.  <• 

Mokranowski  was  thus  made  the  apparent  instru- 
ment of  a  perfidy ;  but  such  was  the  uprightness  of 
his  character,  that  even  the  victims  themselves  ex- 
onerated him  from  all  suspicion  of  connivance  in  the 
villany.  He  returned  to  Warsaw  and  told  the  king, 
"  Sire,  either  they  deceive  you,  or  you  have  deceived 
me.  Be  the  case  which  it  may,  I  cannot  serve  you 
any  longer."  He  left  Poland  for  France,  and  en- 
deavoured to  obtain  the  support  of  the  French  court 
in  favour  of  his  unfortunate  countrymen. 

Notwithstanding  the  threats  of  Russia,  fresh  con- 
federations were  daily  forming.  Count  Joachim  Po- 
locki  was  at  the  head  of  a  party  of  patriots  in  Gal- 
licia,  and  others  were  only  waiting  for  an  opportu- 
nity to  aid  him  in  all  parts  of  the  kingdom.  The 
Russians  were  the  objects  of  almost  universal  de- 
testation; Repnin  was  execrated,  and  a  plan  was 
formed,  even  under  the  secret  sanction  of  the  king, 
to  seize  him.  The  daring  individual  who  undertook 
this  hazardous  scheme  was  Dzirzanowski,  one  of  the 
chamberlains.  Fortune -had  thrown  him  into  the 
strangest  vicissitudes  of  life ;  he  had  fought  in  the 
French  armies  in  the  East  Indies,  and  organized  the 
sepoys  in  the  European  manner ;  chance  then  took 
him  to  America,  Portugal,  and  Spain,  and  at  last  he 
found  himself  in  Poniatowski's  palace,  where  his 
vivacity  and  anecdote  made  him  a  great  favourite 
of  the  king ;  but  a  violent  love  for  his  country  still 
formed  one  of  the  ingredients  of  his  anomalous 
character,  and  he  advocated  the  patriotic  cause  wiljh- 
out  much  disguise.  His  attempt  miscarried,  and 
flight  alone  saved  him.  The  discovery  only  served 
to  irritate  Repnin  and  increase  his  activity  against 
the  confederates.  Polocki's  little  army  was  obliged 


SIEGE    OF    BAR BALTA.  189 

to  take  refuge  in  Turkey,  and  the  Russians  prepared 
to  exterminate  the  confederation  of  Bar.  The  Cos- 
sacks of  the  Ukraine  took  advantage  of  the  Polish 
troubles,  and  committed  the  most  barbarous  atroci- 
ties under  the  Russian  direction. 

While  Pulawski  was  absent  from  Bar,  and  at- 
tempting to  rally  Polocki's  routed  army,  the  Rus- 
sians, conjointly  with  the  king's  troops,  attacked  the 
town.  The  fortifications  were  very  trifling;  a  few 
embankments  of  earth,  a  dry  ditch,  and  palisades. 
For  a  time  the  confederates  made  a  stubborn  resist- 
ance :  a  monk,  named  Mark,  animated  with  fanati- 
cism, exhorted  them,  and  reminded  them  that  they 
were  fighting  for  their  religion.  He  mounted  the 
ramparts  at  the  very  moment  when  the  Russians 
were  about  to  fire  their  first  gun,  and  made  a  sign  of 
the  cross.  The  cannon  burst,  an  accident  which 
was  then  very  common  from  the  badness  of  the 
Russian  artillery.  The  besieged  cried  out  that  it 
was  a  miracle,  and  imagined  that  the  hand  of  God 
was  stretched  forth  in  their  defence.  But  dissen- 
sions among  the  confederates  counteracted  the  good 
effects  of  this  enthusiasm ;  in  a  few  days  the  town 
was  taken  by  assault,  and  1200  prisoners  were  car- 
ried in  chains  to  Russia. 

New  confederations  were  formed  in  Lithuania,  at 
Lokroczim  near  Warsaw,  and  at  Cracow.  The  lat- 
ter place  became,  from  its  situation,  the  rallying 
point  of  the  patriots,  and  resisted  the  enemies'  at- 
tacks six  weeks.  But  an  event  happened  about  this 
time,  more  serviceable  to  the  cause  than  all  these 
feeble  and  partial  efforts.  On  the  frontiers  of  Podo- 
»ia  there  stands  the  little  town  of  Balta,  within  the 
Turkish  limits,  and  separated  from  Poland  only  by 
a  rivulet.  The  Tartar  governor,  Jakoubaga,  an  in- 
veterate enemy  of  Russia,  had  long  sought  an  occa- 
sion to  embroil  that  country  in  a  war  with  Turkey. 
By  the  persuasion  of  the  French  ambassador,  he 
urged  a  small  remnant  of  the  scattered  confederates 


190  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

to  attack  the  Russians,  and  decoy  them  into  the 
Turkish  territory.  The  enemy  pursued  them  to 
Balta,  took  the  town,  and  slaughtered  a  considerable 
number  of  Mussulmans :  the  place  was  fired,  as  sup- 
posed, by  the  Tartar  himself;  and  the  Russians, 
thinking  the  confederation  was  entirely  quelled, 
withdrew.  Jakoubaga  sent  information  of  the  affair 
to  Constantinople,  and  the  grand  vizier  summoned 
the  Russian  ambassador  to  an  audience.  In  the 
winter  of  1768  the  Turks  and  Tartars  entered  New 
Servia,  a  province  which  the  Russians  had  unjustly 
seized,  and  took  back  35,000  prisoners. 

This  news  revived  the  spirits  of  the  confederates. 
Pulawski  returned  from  his  refuge  in  Moldavia,  but 
trusting  imprudently  to  a  Tartar  governor,  he  was 
arrested.  Confederations  were  daily  forming  in 
Lithuania,  under  Radziwill,  Count  Pa£,  and  others. 
There  were  also  other  spectators  interested  in  the 
approaching  contest  between  Russia  and  Turkey: 
Austria  and  Prussia  kept  each  other  in  check,  each 
with  200,000  men  in  marching  order,  and  waited  for 
the  result. 

The  opening  of  the  campaign  in  1769  was  inaus- 
picious: the  Russians  entered  Moldavia,  drove  the 
Turks  before  them,  and  took  Chocim.  This,  how- 
ever, was  but  a  temporary  success,  and  their  retreat 
was  as  rapid  as  their  inroad  had  been  impetuous. 
The  skirmishing  recommenced  with  the  confederates, 
but  without  any  advantage.  Of  all  the  family  of 
Pulawski  Casimir  alone  survived,  and  he  saved  him- 
self by  a  retreat  to  Hungary,  with  an  escort  of  only 
ten  men. 

Three  hundred  thousand  troops,  the  main  body  of 
the  Turkish  army,  entered  Moldavia,  in  the  direction 
of  Poland.  The  Poles  dreaded  the  Turks  for  visiters 
as  much  as  they  did  the  Russians ;  and  the  bishop 
of  Kamieniec  wrote  from  his  retreat  at  Tesohen,  in 
Austrian  Silesia,  which  was  now  the  head-quarters 
of  the  confederates,  to  Count  Polocki,  that  "  to  bring 


TURKISH   POLICY.  191 

in  the  Turks  to  drive  away  the  Russians,  was  like 
setting  fire  to  a  house  to  drive  away  vermin." 
Polocki  went  himself  to  the  Turkish  camp  to  endeav- 
our to  direct  their  operations  against  the  Russian 
frontier.  The  grand  vizier,  who  commanded  the 
army,  was  named  Mahomet  Emin ;  he  had  raised 
himself  from  the  station  of  a  wandering  silk  mer- 
chant to  his  present  lofty  office ;  but  his  talents  had 
not  been  directed  to  the  study  of  war,  for  this  was 
the  first  military  expedition  he  had  ever  been  en- 
gaged in.  He  expressed  an  animosity  against 
Poland  as  decided  as  Russia ;  and  his  policy  was  to 
ruin  it  irrevocably,  "  to  make  a  desert  there,  that  it 
might  be  no  more  a  subject  for  ambition,  jealousy,  or 
war ;  that  the  system  of  protecting  Poland,  and  en- 
tering into  an  alliance  with  her,  for  the  object  of 
using  it  as  a  rampart  against  the  Russians,  might  be 
good  for  the  Christian  courts,  which,  by  unstable 
alliances  which  they  make  and  unmake  at  will, 
change  and  rechange  the  face  of  all  Europe.  It 
pleases  them;  but  such  a  plan  could  never  enter 
among  the  counsels  of  an  empire  which  makes  its 
operations  depend  only  on  its  will  and  power,  and 
whose  policy  has  always  been  to  surround  itself  on  alt 
sides  with  deserts." 

Such  a  man  did  not  bid  fair  to  be  a  very  favour- 
able auditor,  and  when  Polocki  represented  that  the 
confederates  flattered  themselves,  "  that  in  this  un- 
toward conjuncture  Poland  would  meet  with  the 
same  aid  that  the  Porte  had  granted  her  in  so  many 
instances,  and  that  the  arms  of  the  Turks  would 
assist  her  to  recover  her  liberty;"  Mahomet  re- 
joined, "  He  thinks  we  are  not  acquainted  with  our 
history.  Teach  him  that  the  Porte  has  never  sup- 
ported infidels,  and  that  it  remembers  how  often  it 
has  had  reason  to  complain  of  the  Poles.  He  imagines 
that  he  is  treating  here  with  a  Christian  power,  accus- 
tomed to  sport  with  truth  and  falsehood.  Do  you 
know,"  added  he,  turning  to  his  officers,  "what  these 
people  call  their  liberty  ?  It  is  the  urht  of  living  with* 


192  HISTORY   OF   POLAND. 

out  laws."  When  his  wrath  had  effervesced,  the  cham 
of  the  Tartars  added  his  influence  to  that  of  Polocki ; 
and  it  was  agreed  that  a  detachment  of  Turks  and 
Tartars,  under  the  command  of  the  cham,  should 
march  towards  the  Dnieper,  and  at  the  samef  time 
the  confederate's,  with  an  auxiliary  army,  should 
proceed  to  the  deliverance  of  their  country,  while 
the  grand  vizier,  with  the  main  body,  should  advance 
as  far  as  Bender,  to  watch  the  issue  of  the  enemy's 
design. 

Peremptory  orders  in  the  mean  time  reached  the 
Russian  army,  to  take  Chocim,  on  the  Dniester. 
The  confederates  and  their  Turkish  detachment  had 
the  same  destination,  and  thus  the  two  armies  daily 
approached  each  other,  although  such  was  their  want 
of  precaution  and  intelligence,  that  neither  was 
aware  of  it  until  close  at  hand.  A  rencounter  took 
place ;  but  the  Turks  fled  precipitately  at  the  first 
discharge  of  artillery.  They  were  mostly  raw  sol- 
diers, and  were  so  startled  at  the  enemy's  facility  in 
managing  their  great  guns,  that  they  imputed  it  to 
magic;  and  one  of  the  pachas,  who  was  taken 
prisoner,  requested  to  see  "  those  enchanted  cannon, 
which  were  moved,"  said  he,  "  by  a  word,  and  fired 
more  than  a  hundred  times  without  being  reloaded." 
Fifteen  thousand  of  the  fugitives  threw  themselves 
into  Chocim,  where  they  were  joined  by  the  confede- 
rates under  Polocki. 

The  Russians  invested  the  town  on  the  14th  of 
July,  and  turned  the  siege  into  a  blockade ;  but  the 
courage  and  prudence  of  Polocki  made  it  hold  out 
three  weeks,  at  the  expiration  of  which  time  the 
siege  was  raised  by  a  Turkish  pacha,  Moldavangi,  at 
the  head  of  4000  men,  and  the  cham  soon  arrived, 
having  made  a  countermarch  on  receiving  news  of 
the  Russian  inroad.  The  enemy  repassed  the  Dnies- 
ter in  the  night,  and  cut  down  the  bridges.  At 
this  very  time  the  vizier  lost  his  head,  and  the  Pacha 
Moldavangi  was  elevated  to  his  important  office. 
He  constructed  a  temporary  bridge,  and  before  cross- 


DEFEAT   OF   THE    TURKS.  193 

ing  it,  published  a  manifesto  of  a  very  different  spirit 
from  what  might  have  been  expected  from  his  pre- 
decessor, and  which  completely  reconciled  the  Poles 
to  the  Turks'  entrance  into  their  country.  On  the 
16th  of  September  the  Turks  passed  the  river  to  the 
number  of  60,000,  and  attacked  the  Russians  with 
some  advantage.  But  a  rumour  had  for  some  days 
prevailed  in  the  Turkish  army  that  the  bridge  was 
endangered  by  the  rapid  current  of  the  river,  swollen 
by  continual  rains:  a  panic  struck  them,  when  they 
looked  back  for  a  moment,  at  the  sight  of  the  unsafe 
but  only  means  of  retreat ;  the  battle  was  at  an  end, 
and  they  rushed  in  an  immense  mass  towards  the 
tottering  bridge  ;  the  weight  of  the  cannon  was  too 
much  for  the  temporary  structure,  the  rafts  gave 
way,  and  left  6000  or  7000  men  on  the  side  nearest 
to  the  enemy.  These  were  mostly  cut  to  pieces ; 
sedition  and  discontent  sprung  up  in  the  Turkish 
army,  and  one  general  rout  ensued ;  Chocim  was 
deserted,  and  the  road  into  Moldavia  was  open  to  the 
Russians. 

Thus  were  the  fond  hopes  of  the  confederates 
again  blighted.  During  the  successes  of  the  Turks 
the  confederation  had  become  nearly  general,  and  one 
decisive  victory  only  Avas  wanting  to  arm  all  Poland. 
Still,  however,  a  small  party  held  up  their  heads,  and 
"hoped  even  against  hope."  In  the  beginning  of 
November  the  marshals  and  deputies  of  the  district 
confederacies  met  at  Biala,  or  Bilitz,  a  town  on  the 
frontiers  of  Silesia,  half  of  which  is  in  Poland  and 
half  in  Silesia,  and  proclaimed  Count  Krasinski 
marshal-general  of  the  kingdom,  and  Count  Polocki 
commander-in-chief  of  the  forces.  Count  Pag  was 
appointed  locum  tenens,  in  the  absence  of  these  two* 

The  king  still  remained  a  mere  cipher ;  he  had 
7000  troops,  but  they  acted  only  as  his  own  guards. 
His  former  tyrant  and  keeper,  Repnin,  was  recalled ; 
but  his  policy  still  continued  his  influence,  and  the 
only  liberty  which  the  court  party  could  obtain,  at 
R 


194  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 


spirit, 
tween 


the  expense  of  an  extraordinary  display  of 
was  to  remain  neuter,  and  watch  the  struggle  bet' 
the  Russian  oppressors  and  the  Turkish  champions 
of  their  country. 

The  winter  drove  the  Russians  back  to  Poland ; 
and,  wearied  with  their  campaign,  they  seemed  to 
relax  from  their  former  vigilance  and  cruelty  to  the 
confederates.  The  Russian  ambassador,  Volkonski, 
who  had  succeeded  Repnin,  was  a  shade  or  too  less 
bloody ;  old  age  had  somewhat  blunted  his  tyrannical 
spirit,  and  he  sat  down,  contented  for  the  present 
with  cutting  off  the  confederates'  communication 
with  their  council  at  Bilitz.  The  state  of  the  patriots, 
so  long  accustomed  to  skirmishing  warfare,  may  be 
readily  imagined.  Hunted  like  wild  beasts,  many 
were  almost  become  so;  persecuted  like  outlaws, 
some  began  to  think  legal  ties  were  no  longer  bind- 
ing; the  confederate  soldiery  "wandered  without 
plan,  without  restraint,  without  discipline ;  issuing 
from  the  depths  of  woods  to  seize  their  subsistence 
in  the  villages  with  armed  force ;  without  ammuni- 
tion, and  obliged  even  to  steal  lead  from  the  churches 
to  make  balls."* 

Finding  that  their  retreat  at  Bilitz  was  not  so  safe 
from  the  Russians  as  they  could  wish,  and  that  the 
communication  with  Poland  was  restricted,  the  con- 
federates removed  their  council  to  Eperies,  in  Hun- 
gary, and  troops  of  patriot  soldiers  occupied  the 
passes  of  the  Carpathian  mountains.  They  were 
visited  here  by  the  emperor  Joseph  II.,  who  held 
some  conversation  with  Count  Pa9  and  other  chiefs; 
and  Pag,  seized  the  moment  to  request  an  audience 
for  the  next  day,  which  was  granted.  The  confer- 
ence, however,  was  fruitless.  In  the  month  of 
February,  17*70,  the  confederates  made  an  attack  on 
Petrickau,  a  town  forty  leagues  from  Warsaw,  and 
even  approached  the  capital,  but  were  obliged  to 

*  Rulhtere. 


PLAN    OF   THE    RUSSIAN    CAMPAIGN.  195 

disperse.  A  continued  series  Of  skirmishes  then 
ensued  among  the  Carpathian  mountains,  where  the 
patriots  took  refuge.  All  this,  however,  was  merely 
the  ebullition  of  the  spirit  which  was  working  un- 
seen in  Poland,  and  which  only  waited  for  a  single 
favourable  opportunity  to  burst  forth;  The  little 
council  of  Eperies  sat  watching,  impatiently,  the 
progress  of  spring  to  hear  the  signal  for  the  renewal 
of  hostilities  between  Russia  and  Turkey,  trusting, 
that  in  the  struggle  some  fortunate  crisis,  of  which 
they  might  take  advantage,  would  present  itself. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Grand  Plan  of  the  Russian  Campaign  in  1770— Insurrection  of  Greece-  - 
Elphinston  sails  into  the  Dardanelles— Russian  Fleet  in  the  Levant — 
Defeat  of  the  Turks  by  Land— State  of  the  Confederates — French 
Agents,  M.  de  Taules,  Dumourier,  and  Viomenil — Valiant  Defence  of 
Czenstochowa — Viom^nil's  Account  of  the  Confederates— Saldern,  and 
Russian  Cruelties — The  Austrians  seize  Zips — The  Prussians  enter  • 
Poland — Attempt  to  carry  off  Stanislas  from  Warsaw.— Decline  of  the 
Confederacy— Treachery  of  Zaremba — Treaty  between  Russia,  Aus- 
tria, and  Prussia — Dispersion  of  the  Confederates. 

THE  Russian  plan  for  the  campaign  of  1770  was 
on  a  grand  and  almost  romantic  scale.  Two  armies 
were  to  enter  Turkey  on  the  north,  one  by  Moldavia, 
the  other  by  New  Servia;  two  fleets  were  to  set 
sail,  one  to  scour  the  Mediterranean,  and  the  other 
from  the  Black  Sea;  the  Dardanelles  were  to  be 
forced,  and  all  these  armaments,  military  and  naval, 
meeting  from  the  north,  east,  south,  and  west,  at 
Constantinople,  were  to  overthrow  the  throne  of  the 
sultans.  Another  and  a  nobler  scheme  formed  also 
a  part  of  the  design ;  Greece  was  to  shake  off  her 
chains  and  aid  the  destruction  of  her  tyrants. 

This  project  is  ascribed  to  the  gigantic  genius  of 
Peter  the  Great ;  and  it  must  be  confessed  that  its 


196  HISTORY   OF   POLAND. 

marked  features  and  character  give  it  a  very  probable 
affinity  to  the  towering  offspring  of  that  great  man's 
mind.*  In  February,  one  Russian  fleet  under  Admiral 
Spiritoff  was  on  the  coasts  of  the  Peloponnesus ;  and 
by  the  beginning  of  May  another  squadron  reinforced 
it.  The  latter  was  commanded  by  Elphinston,  a 
Scotchman,  who  staked  his  head  to  the  empress 
that  he  would  force  the  Dardanelles.  So  confident 
was  he  of  success,  that,  during  his  stay  in  London, 
where  he  put  in  on  his  passage,  he  freely  stated 
his  plan  to  bombard  Constantinople.  "A  naval 
fight,"  said  he,  "will  take  place;  we  shall  gain  it 
with  God's  good-will,  and  then  we  shall  pass  these 
famous  Dardanelles  as  easily  as  I  drink  this  pot  of 
beer."  The  Peloponnesus,  Thessaly,  and  the  "  Isles 
of  Greece"  rose  up  in  arms  at  the  sight  of  the 
Russian  Ships.  On  the  5th  of  July  the  Russians 
burnt  the  Turkish  fleet  of  above  twenty-five  ships  in 
the  straits  of  Scio,  and  Elphinston  sailed  to  the 
Dardanelles.  The  Russians,  either  through  fear  or 
jealousy,  refused  to  accompany  him ;  he  sailed  alone 
into  the  midst  of  the  channel,  without  firing  a  single 
gun,  cast  anchor,  ordered  a  flourish  of  trumpets  and 
drums,  drank  tea,  and  rejoined  the  fleet.  But  so 
disgusted  was  he  at  his  disappointment  that  he 
left  the  service,  and  returned  home.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  the  Russians  might  have  struck  a  decisive 
blow,  the  Turks  being  almost  entirely  unprepared. 
So  chimerical  did  the  project  appear  to  the  Turkish 
minister  when  the  French  ambassador  warned  him 
of  it,  that  he  took  up  a  map,  and  pointing  out  Peters- 
burg, said  to  him,  "  Show  me  how  a  fleet  can  sail 
from  there  to  here !  We  have  never  had  any  Rus- 
sians on  the  south ;  we  can  only  fear  them  on  the 
north."  But  such  indecision  and  discord  prevailed 
in  the  Russian  fleet,  that  they  took  up  their  winter- 
quarters  in  the  island  of  Paros  without  having  struck 

*  The  idea  was  not  exclusively  Peter's  own,  for  Sobieski,  inferior  aa 
his  mind  was  to  the  czar's,  had  proposed  this  scheme  to  Leopold. 


PROSPECTS    OF    THE    CONFEDERATES.          197 

any  effective  blow.  The  seeds  of  liberty,  however, 
which  were  now  sown  in  Greece  were  not  "  cast  by 
the  road-side,  but  had  taken  root,"  and  already  borne 
fruit.  Thus  was  this  year,  which  "  paved  the  way 
to  villain  bonds"  for  one  nation,  the  first  dawn  of 
liberty  to  another.* 

The  Russian  armies  had  taken  the  field  about  the 
end  of  June,  and  marched  on  their  destined  routes. 
That  which  proceeded  from  New  Servia  invested 
Bender  on  the  Dniester.  The  other,  consisting  only 
of  17,000,  entered  Moldavia,  and  encountered  the 
Turks  on  the  banks  of  the  Danube.  The  Moslem 
troops  amounted  to  150,000;  but  notwithstanding 
the  immense  disparity  of  numbers,  victory  declared 
on  the  side  of  the  Russians.  On  the  26th  of  Sep- 
tember Bender  was  taken  by  assault;  Ismail  also 
fell  into  the  Russians'  hands  in  October;  and  thus 
the  campaign  again  broke  up  unfavourably  to 
Turkey. 

All  this  argued  ill  to  the  cause  of  the  confederates ; 
and  to  add  to  their  alarm,  an  ominous  amity  seemed 
to  be  springing  up  between  Prussia  and  Austria. 
Frederic  and  the  Emperor  Joseph  had  interviews, 
both  on  the  25th  of  August,  1769,  and  again  on  the 
3d  of  September,  1770.  This  latter  conference  would 
have  alarmed  the  patriots  still  more,  had  they  known 
that  a  messenger  from  Turkey  was  present  at  it,  to 
request  the  mediation  of  the  two  powers  to  effect  a 
peace  with  Russia.  France  was  the  only  nation 
which  continued  to  uphold  the  confederates.  The 
consistent  policy  of  the  French  minister,  the  Due  de 
Choiseul  had  armed  the  Turks  in  their  cause,  and 
still  continued  covertly  to  lend  them  some  feeble 
aid.  M.  de  Taulesf  had  been  employed,  towards  the 

*  The  interesting  history  of  the  Greek  insurrection  and  the  Russian 
expedition  is  given  in  Rulhi^re's  valuable  work. — Histoire  de  P  Anarchic 
de  Pologne,  vol.  iii.  p.  287. 

t  This  gentleman  is  the  author  of  a  work  on  the  Man  in  the  Iron 
Mask,  in  which  he  satisfactorily  solves  that  historical  riddle. 

R2 


198  HISTORY   OF   POLAND. 

latter  part  of  1768,  to  negotiate  with  the  council,  and 
convey  them  a  considerable  sum  of  money;  but 
found  their  cause  so  hopeless  that  he  returned  as  he 
went.  Ten  or  twelve  French  officers  had  been 
enrolled  among  the  confederates  in  the  last'  cam- 
paign.* During  the  present  year  the  French  minister 
allowed  them  a  subsidy  of  6000  ducats  a  month ;  and 
M.  Durand,  the  resident  agent  at  Vienna,  had  the 
charge  of  transmitting  it.  M.  Dumourier  was  com- 
missioned, in  July,  by  the  government  to  confer  and 
act  with  the  council.  He  reached  Eperies  in  August, 
and  endeavoured  to  establish  unanimity  between  the 
confederates.  Kis  reports  of  their  military  strength 
are  contradictory,  and  in  fact  their  forces  were  very 
fluctuating ;  but  at  this  time  they  seem  to  have  been 
as  follows,  namely — about  1500  men  under  Walewski, 
the  palatine  of  Sieradz,  1000  under  another  partisan, 
and  4000  or  5000  more  under  Zaremba  and  Pulawski. 
Zaremba  was  chosen  marshal  of  Great  Poland,  into 
which  province  he  contrived  to  make  frequent  in- 
cursions. 

The  council  had  formally  proclaimed  the  throne 
vacant ;  and  the  act  was  registered  in  all  the  public 
offices  of  Poland.  Three  confederates  went  to 
Warsaw,  entered  the  palace,  and  in  observance  of 
the  legal  form,  one  of  them  presented  to  the  king  a 
summons  to  appear  before  the  council  of  the  con- 
federation. Poniatowski  took  the  paper,  thinking  it 
a  petition ;  and  while  he  was  casting  his  eyes  over 

*  Among  these  was  the  Chevalier  Thesby  de  Belcour,  who  has  given 
us  a  picture  of  the  state  of  the  patriots  at  that  time.  "  Our  marshals 
were  living  on  the  worst  terms  with  each  other. — I  must  do  that  justice 
to  the  Poles  which  they  deserve;  they  are  brave  and  courageous  $  but, 
unfortunately,  they  depend  too  much  on  their  valour ;  they  have  neglected 
to  instruct  themselves;  and  their  neighbours,  more  enlightened  and 
better  disciplined,  have  derived  from  their  knowledge  of  the  art  of  war 
every  possible  advantage.— The  spirit  of  cabal  and  self-love,  so  out  of 
place,  particularly  in  such  circumstances,  spoils  all.— The  Poles  had  the 
best  opportunities  to  distinguish  themselves. — We  may  say  the  Poles 
have  destroyed  themselves." — See  Memoire  de  M.  Le  Chevalier  Thesby 
de  Belcour,"  Colonel  au  Service  des  Confederes  de  Pologne,  p.  67  of 
*'  J  ettres  Particulieres  du  Baron  de  Viomenil,  &c." 


TURKEY    MAKES    PEACE.  199 

it,  the  three  confederates,  lost  in  the  crowd,  were 
soon  out  of  sight.  •• 

In  the  latter  part  of  August,  1770,  Pulawski  came 
down  from  the  mountains  and  seized  the  fortified  ab- 
bey of  Czenstokow,  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Warta. 
Four  thousand  Russians  laid  siege  to  it  in  Jan.  1771. 
The  patriots  were  so  badly  supplied  with  clothes, 
that  even  at  this  season  of  the  year  the  sentinels 
were  obliged  to  leave  their  dresses  for  those  who 
relieved  guard ;  and  in  case  of  an  attack,  many  were 
obliged  to  fight  in  their  shirts.  Every  assault  fur- 
nished them  with  a  new  supply  of  dress,  and  by  the 
end  of  the  siege  all  the  garrison  was  dressed  in  Rus- 
sian uniforms.  The  enemy  were  obliged  to  raise 
the  siege,  leaving  1200  men  dead. 

The  confederates  were  never  more  formidable 
than  in  the  winter  of  1770  and  the  beginning  of  1771. 
They  occupied  all  the  advantageous  posts,  and  were 
abundantly  supplied  with  ammunition  and  pro- 
visions. 

The  year  1771  brought  the  patriots  no  brighter 
prospects  on  the  side  of  Turkey.  The  campaign 
opened  in  April ;  and  the  Russians  being  still  victo- 
rious, the  Turks  grew  weary  of  a  war  which  was 
only  a  series  of  defeats  and  losses.  Proposals  of 
peace  were  made  formally  by  the  30th  of  May,  and 
the  negotiation  continued,  under  the  mediation  of 
Austria  and  Prussia,  till  the  next  year.  The  naval 
expedition  effected  nothing  of  consequence  ;  in  fact 
it  served  only  to  ruin  the  trade  of  the  Levant,  as  well 
that  of  the  Christian  nations  as  of  the  Turks. 

In  the  beginning  of  1771  the  confederates  under 
Pulawski  had  about  5000  horse  in  the  palatinate  of 
Cracow  on  the  confines  of  Hungary ;  4000  horse  un- 
der Zaremba  in  Great  Poland  on  the  west  of  the 
Warta ;  800  foot  garrisoned  in  the  abbey  of  Czen- 
stokow, and  other  scattered  troops  not  under  subor- 
dination. There  were  also  nearly  3000  confederates 
armed  in  Lithuania.  Dumourier  had  introduced 


200  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

stricter  discipline  among  these  troops,  which  ren- 
dered them  more  formidable  the  present  year  than 
when  their  numerical  strength  had  been  much 
greater.  This  agent,  however,  was  no  longer  acting 
under  the  direction  of  the  French  minister,  the"  Due 
de  Choiseul  having  been  superseded  in  December, 
1770,  by  the  Due  d'Aiguillon ;  and  it  was  observed 
that  Dumourier  began  to  stretch  his  brief  authority, 
and  dictate  to  the  council.  Pulawski  had  been  sur- 
prised by  the  Russian  general  Suwarow,  at  the  head 
of  more  than  3000  men,  and  obliged  to  retreat ;  and 
Dumourier  took  on  himself  to  pass  on  that  distin- 
guished patriot  the  censure  of  cowardice.  But  the 
censor  met  with  a  reverse  himself  at  Landscow* 
immediately  after.  His  own  account  of  this  affair, 
which  he  gives  in  his  Memoirs,  shifts  all  the  blame 
on  the  Pole's  shoulders,!  and  mentions  his  own  share 
of  the  transaction  with  much  self-satisfaction.  This 
happened  on  the  22d  of  June,  and  from  this  time 
Dumourier's  ardour  in  the  patriotic  cause  was  en- 
tirely extinguished.  He  represented  the  confederates 
as  unworthy  of  any  protection,  and  advised  a  speedy 
termination  of  the  contest.J  About  this  time  the 
Baron  de  Viomenil  was  deputed  by  the  French 

*  Or  Lanckrona,  near  Cracow. 

t  "  II  (Dumourier)  veut  se  mettre  a  la  t£te  des  Lithuaniens  d'Orsowsko, 
avec  le  Prince  Sapieha ;  ces  laches  fuient,  massacrent  eux  m6mes  Sa- 
pieha,  jeune  prince  plein  de  courage.  Orsowsko  et  quelques  autres  sont 
tires.  II  court  aux  hussards  de  Schutz,  qui  au  lieu  de  sabrer,  font  une 
decharge  des  carabines  et  prennent  la  fuite,  &c." — Vie  de  Dumourier. 

i  "  An  end  must  absolutely  be  put  to  this  war.  The  diversion  of  Po- 
land occupies  but  very  few  Russians  ;  it  enriches  them,  and  gives  them  a 
legitimate  pretext  to  augment  and  strengthen  their  army  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  country. — The  confederation  has  no  military  resources. 
Nothing  remains  but  the  negotiation  of  the  patriotic  powers  to  save  Po- 
land from  the  slavery  to  which  disgraceful  manners,  cowardice,  insub- 
ordination, disorder,  and  the  incapability  of  its  defenders  are  dragging 
it." — "  botice  sur  le  General  Dumourier,"  prefixed  to  "Lettres  particu- 
li£res  du  Baron  de  Viomenil." 

This  is  the  same  Dumourier  who  was  so  notorious  in  the  French 
revolution,  and  who  afterward  recanted  and  came  to  England,  when  he 
was  taken  into  the  minister's  pay.  He  died  near  Henley  in  1823.— See 
Ilia  Life  written  by  himself. 


RUSSIAN    ATROCITIES.  201 

minister  to  succeed  Dumourier.*  He  says  he  found 
"  the  troops  ruined,  undisciplined,  and  without  any 
consistency  or  order; — the  soldiers  without  pay, 
almost  naked,  badly  fed,  badly  armed,  and  still  worse 
trained. — The  troops  of  the  confederation,  which 
amount  to  6200  horse,  and  1800  infantry,  occupy  in 
the  two  Polands  a  line  of  140  French  leagues  from 
the  frontiers  of  Hungary  at  Nowitarg,  as  far  as  the 
Warta,  a  little  beyond  Posen.  The  Russians  oppose 
to  these  troops  in  these  two  provinces  a  force  of 
10,500  infantry  and  cavalry,  and  5000  of  the  king's 
troops ;  there  are  about  3000  Russians  in  Lithuania, 
and  as  many  armed  confederates."! 

The  Russian  ambassador,  this  year,  resident  al 
Warsaw,  was  Saldern ;  a  man  whose  character  may 
be  summed  up  in  the  few  words,  that  he  was  a 
worthy  successor  of  the  preceding.  He  designated 
the  confederates  "  brigands  and  rascals,"  and  ordered 
the  commanders  not  to  treat  them  as  prisoners  of 
war,  but  as  criminals. 

These  orders  were  readily  obeyed ;  and,  in  fact, 
the  preceding  campaign  Lad  been  carried  on  too 
much  in  this  spirit.  Belcour,  the  French  officer  be- 
fore mentioned,  tells  us,  that  the  Russians  "plundered, 
ravaged,  and  committed  the  most  barbarous  and 
revolting  atrocities ;"  and  that  he  himself  saw  500 
wagon-loads  of  booty  carried  off  to  Russia.  Dre- 
witz,  a  colonel  in  the  Russian  service,  made  himself 
most  notorious  for  cruelty  to  the  confederates.  He 
used  to  enjoy  sights  of  torment,  like  an  Indian 
savage.  "  He  used  to  cause,"  says  Belcour,t  "  the 
hands  of  some,  the  feet,  &c.  of  others,  to  be  cut  off, 
and  put  into  their  mouths ;  he  used  to  order  those 
wnose  figure  did  not  please  him  to  be  cut  in  pieces : 
all  these  brutalities  were  executed  in  his  presence, 

*  He  set  out  in  August,  1771,  with  several  French  officers,  to  the  aid 
of  the  confederates, 
t  Lettres  de  Viomenil,  let.  i.  J  P.  83. 


202  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

and  he  seemed  to  take  delight  in  them."*  This 
fiend  in  human  shape  found  too  many  imitators 
among  the  Russian  officers.  Clemency  is  one  of  the 
virtues  which  has  always  been  banished  by  the  me- 
nials of  despotic  governments ;  but  it  is  pleasing  to 
find,  that  although  the  sufferings  of  slaves  are  known 
not  to  awaken  much  fellow-feeling  and  sympathy 
for  others,  the  privates  were  much  more  merciful 
than  their  leaders.  One  exception  was  found  among 
the  horde  of  savages  in  Weymaon,  the  commander- 
in-chief ;  but  the  bloody  Saldern  contrived  to  have 
him  removed  from  his  office. 

The  patriots  were  branded  with  opprobrious  names 
by  more  persons  than  Saldern.  Poniatowski,  abject 
as  he  was,  had  flatterers,  who  couched  their  compli- 
ments to  him  in  invectives  against  his  enemies. 
"  The  kingdom,"  says  Solignac,  one  of  this  train, 
"  was  inundated  with  writings  against  Stanislas  Au- 
gustus ;  and  who  were  the  authors  of  these  libels, 
which  thus  traduced  -virtue? — Brigands,  stained  with 
blood,  leagued  with  the  enemies  of  the  state."  We 
will  let  the  confederates  themselves  protest  against 
this,  in  the  following  words :  "  To  qualify  with  the 
odious  title  of  rebels  the  inhabitants  who  wish  to 
shake  off  the  yoke  of  oppression ;  to  name  those  who 
exert  themselves  to  defend  their  laws  and  liberty, 
disturbers  of  the  public  peace  ;  to  treat  as  an  inso- 
lent mob  an  assembly  composed  of  the  most  en- 
lightened and  respectable  persons  among  the  Poles ! 
is  this  acting  generously  on  the  part  of  people 
from  whom  we  ought  with  justice  to  expect  assist- 
ance?" &c.f 

"  All  hope,"  wrote  Viomenil,  at  the  latter  part  of 

*  The  editor  of  this  "  M&noire"  insinuates  that  this  picture  of  bar- 
barity is  over-drawn  by  Belcour,  whose  spleen  was  affected  by  his  being 
made  prisoner  and  sent  to  Siberia  for  two  or  three  years ;  he  says,  also, 
that  these  cruelties  were  not  sanctioned  by  the  authorities.  This,  how- 
ever, is  incorrect. 

t  Manifesto  du  Comte  Oginski,  Grand-General  de  Lithuanie.  Du  18 
Sept.  1771, 


CONSPIRACY   TO    SEIZE    THE    KING.  24)3 

the  year  1771,  "  depends  on  the  continuation  of  the 
war  between  the  Turks  and  Russians."  As  early  as 
1770,  the  Austrians  had  shown  the  confederates  that 
no  protection  was  to  be  expected  from  that  quarter ; 
and  an  ominous  seizure  of  the  little  starosty  of  Zips* 
had  called  forth,  even  from  Poniatowski,  a  letter  of 
protestation  against  the  injustice.  Maria  Theresa 
answered  this  very  unsatisfactorily  in  January,  1771, 
and  the  Austrians  advanced,  instead  of  withdrawing. 
The  Prussians,  too,  impatient  to  be  let  loose  on  this 
devoted  kingdom,  made  similar  encroachments  on 
the  north-west ;  and,  entering  from  Silesia,  advanced 
as  far  as  Posen  and  Thorn.  Four  thousand  Prus- 
sian cavalry,  under  pretence  of  seeking  horses,  had 
advanced  to  the  Dniester,  and  taken  up  their  quarters 
on  its  banks.  Such  were  the  prospects  of  the  Polish 
patriots  at  the  close  of  the  year  1771. 

An  attempt  to  seize  the  king,  which  was  made 
about  this  time  by  some  of  the  confederates,  and 
failed,  brought  much  discredit  on  their  cause.  The 
friends  of  the  patriots  represent  their  design  to  have 
been  merely  to  obtain  his  person ;  whereas  the  other 
party  industriously  disseminated  the  report  that  their 
object  was  assassination.  Strawinski  was  the  framer 
of 'the  plan,  and  he  proposed  it  to  Pulawski ;  but  he, 
wishing  to  avoid  the  odium,  and  yet  not  altogether 
opposed  to  the  scheme,  refused  his  sanction,  while 
he  withheld  his  dissent.  "  1  give  you  no  orders," 
said  he ;  "  but  I  forewarn  you  that  I  shall  approve  the 
plan,  only  as  you  respect  the  life  of  the  prisoner  whom 
you  are  going  to  seize."  "  Twenty  times,"  replied 
Strawinski,  "  I  could  have  killed  him  in  Warsaw,  and 
I  abstained  from  it  for  the  interest  of  the  confedera- 
tion. Why  should  you  suspect  me  of  wishing  to  dis- 
credit, when  I  seek  only  to  serve  it  ?  It  is  Ponia- 

*  This  is  a  little  district,  consisting  of  sixteen  (owns,  situated  among 
the  Carpathian  mountains.  It  had  formerly  been  in  the  possession  of 
Hungary,  but  had  been  mortgaged  in  1387  to  Poland.  More  will  be  said 
of  this  seizure  in  the  following  chapter. 


204  HISTORY    OF   POLAND. 

towski  living  that  I  have  resolved  to  deliver  up 
to  it."* 

Notwithstanding  this  pretended  refusal  of  conni- 
vance, Pulawski  fixed  the  time  for  the  attempt,  which 
was  the  3d  of  November.  He  also  employed  himself 
in  making  diversions  of  the  Russian  troops  from 
Warsaw,  so  that  200  only  were  left  in  the  city. 
Strawinski  had  ascertained  that  the  king  would  be 
passing  from  his  uncle's  house  to  the  palace  that 
evening ;  and  accordingly,  at  half  past  nine,  the  king 
was  seen  to  come  out,  attended  by  two  persons,  in  his 
carriage,  two  pages,  two  outriders,  and  followed  by 
two  guards,  and  two  valets  on  foot.  Strawinski  had 
divided  his  men  into  three  bands.  The  first  came  up 
as  Russian  patrols,  and  stopped  the  advanced  guard, 
while  the  second  attacked  the  carriage,  and  the  third 
was  stationed  at  the  entrance  of  the  wood  of  Bielani, 
without  the  town.  The  two  guards  resisted  and  were 
killed ;  and  Poniatowski,  after  some  trouble,  was 
dragged  on  horseback,  without  any  injury,  but  a  little 
rough  handling  in  the  hurry :  and  the  confederates 
rode  on  with  their  prize  towards  their  place  of  des- 
tination. 

The  alarm,  in  the  mean  time,  was  given  by  the  ser- 
vants, but  in  the  confusion  of  the  moment,  no  steps 
were  taken  to  stop  the  fugitives.  Not  far  from  War- 
saw the  troop  met  with  a  ditch,  which  they  were 
obliged  to  leap,  and  in  so  doing  the  king's  horse  broke 
its  leg,  and  the  delay  which  this  caused  separated 
the  second  company  from  the  first.  Attempting  to 
find  them,  they  lose  their  way  in  the  dark,  get  into  a 
marsh,  lose  each  other,  and  Poniatowski  is  soon  left 
with  only  one  man.  This  confederate's  name  was 
Kosinski,  who,  from  being  before  one  of  the  boldest 
conspirators,  now  becomes  the  most  timid.  This 
man  had  been  especially  charged  by  Strawinski  to 
seize  the  king,  and  take  charge  of  him ;  but,  falling 

*  Rulhi£re's  Histoire  de  1'Anarchie  de  Pologne,  torn.  ir.  j>  231 


ESCAPE   OF    THE    KING.  205 

on  his  knees,  he  declared  himself  his  prisoner.  The 
king-  conducted  him  to  a  mill  that  was  at  hand,  wrote 
to  Warsaw  for  a  guard  of  forty  men,  and  was  in  the 
city  early  in  the  morning.  The  conspirators  were 
pursued  by  the  Cossacks,  and  one  of  them  killed ; 
while  Kosinski,  for  being  either  a  coward  or  traitor, 
was  rewarded  as  the  preserver  of  the  king's  life. 

It  was  immediately  rumoured  in  Warsaw  that 
Poniatowski  had  escaped  assassination,  nor  did  he 
discredit  the  assertion,  although  he  was  a  living  proof 
that  his  death  was  not  intended.  He  said,  in  his  usual 
strain,  that  he  even  regretted  he  had  not  accompanied 
the  confederates  to  the  fortress  of  Czenstokow,  be- 
cause he  would  have  harangued  and  converted  the 
malecontents,  and  that  this  triumph  of  his  eloquence 
would  have  been  the  most  glorious  event  of  his  reign. 

Foreign  courts  congratulated  Poniatowski  on  his 
escape  from  murder,  and  gave  further  currency  to 
the  report.  Two  of  the  conspirators  were  afterward 
taken  and  executed,  and  the  rest,  among  whom  Pu- 
lawski  was  comprehended,  were  condemned  by  the 
same  sentence  to  capital  punishment.* 

The  odium  which  was  studiously  attached  to  this 
attempt  still  further  injured  the  cause  of  the  patriots. 
They  were  denounced  as  rebels,  assassins,  and  bri- 
gands. Every  thing  conspired  to  render  the  approach- 
ing year,  1772,  the  last  of  Polish  independence. 
Viomenil  and  his  little  band,  indeed,  still  urged  on  the 
confederates  to  make  a  dying  struggle ;  Pulawski, 

*  Solignac,  and  others  of  the  same  party,  represent  this  attempt  in  the 
most  odious  light.  They  even  pervert  the  facts  with  the  greatest  auda- 
city, pretending  to  give  a  most  circumstantial  account  of  the  wounds 
(some  call  them  bullet-grazes,  others  sword-cuts)  which  they  say  Stan- 
islas received  from  the  confederates.  Solignac  relates  another  story  ;  he 
says  a  gunpowder  plot  was  discovered,  and  that  the  powder  was  really 
laid  under  the  palace,  that  the  match  was  lit,  and  that  in  ten  minutes 
more  the  explosion  would  have  taken  place.  The  reader  will  judge  what 
degree  of  trust  is  to  be  given  to  this  author's  impartiality,  when  he  finds 
him  talking  of  the  "odious"  name  of  the  confederates,  of  the  "virtue"  of 
Stanislas,  and  calling  the  patriots  "  brigands  stained  with  blood,  and 
leagued  with  the  enemies  of  the  state."— See  Solignac's  Hist.,  vol.  vi. 
p.  167,  &c. 

3 


206  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

Kossakowski,  and  Zaremba  formed  a  line  with  their 
little  armies,  amounting  to  about  6,000  men,  from 
Czenstokow  to  Widawa  in  Great  Poland  ;  Choisi,  a 
distinguished  French  officer,  seized  the  castle  of 
Cracow  on  the  night  of  the  1st  of  February,  and 
bravely  defended  himself :  but  all  proved  of  no  avail. 
On  the  18th  of  March  the  council  issued  orders  for 
the  troops  in  Great  Poland  to  unite  and  attack  a  de- 
tachment of  the  Russians  at  Peterkow.  Zaremba 
refused  to  obey  the  command,  in  consequence  of 
which  the  troops  in  that  province  were  almost  entirely 
broken  up.  The  Prussians  continued  to  advance  in 
Great  Poland  as  far  as  the  W,arta,  and  gave  the  con- 
federates notice  to  evacuate-i  many  of  their  posts.* 
The  present  conduct  of  Zaremba  was  suspicious,  and 
the  event  showed  that  the  fear  of  his  treachery  was 
too  well  founded.  "His  extraordinary  conduct," 
wrote  Viomeniljf  "  can  be  imputed  only  to  designs 
very  fatal  to  the  republican  party  ;  and  we  may  ex- 
pect every  moment  that  he  is  going  to  make  his  own 
peace,  or  that  he  will  allow  all  his  troops  to  be  taken 
uncollectively  by  the  Prussians. — In  either  case  I 
can  only  foresee  the  loss  of  all  his  corps,  and  conse- 
quently the  entire  destruction  of  the  confederation. 

*  The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  letter  addressed  by  the  Prussian 
general  to  the  authorities  of  the  confederate  troops. 

Hemstadt,  March  22,  1772. 

I  have  had  the  honour  to  receive  the  letter  which  you  have  been  pleased 
to  address  to  me  of  the  16th  of  the  present  month.  To  satisfy  you,  sir,  I 
must  tell  you  it  is  by  command  of  the  king,  my  master,  that  I  have 
ordered  the  seizure  of  the  forage  in  question,  in  the  vicinity  of  Szduri, 
Koblin,  &c.  Hi .-  rn  ijesty,  having  determined  to  advance  his  troops  as  far 
as  Warta,  has  at  the  same  time  commissioned  me  to  inform  the  gentle- 
men of  the  confederation,  that  they  will  be  acting  prudently  to  withdraw 
their  forces  from  the  towns  and  the  environs  of  Frauenstadt,  Lissa, 
Rawitz,  &c.  This  is  tlie  will  of  the  king,  my  master,  which  I  beg  you 
sir,  to  convey  to  Marshal  Zaremba ;  and  I  hope,  that  to  avoid  the  dis 
agreeable  consequences,  of  which  the  confederation  would  be  the  sol 
cause,  they  will  not  delay  to  evacuate  this  territory. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

(Signed)        CZELTZITZ. 

ToM.  Sierazowski. 

t  LettresParticulieres  de  Viomenil,  let.  ix.  p,  236. 


FATE    OF    THE    CONFEDERATION.  207 

— M.  Pivvinicki,  who  has  just  arrived  from  Great 
Poland,  assures  me  that  the  Prussians  on  the  2d  and 
3d  of  this  month  (April)  have  attacked  Zaremba's 
troops,  who  occupied  the  little  towns  of  Frauenstadt, 
Lezno,  and  Szduri.  This,  sir,  is  the  decisive  moment ; 
to  all  appearance  the  Prussian  forces  will  soon  have 
their  right  on  Cracow,  and  their  left  on  Dantzig." 
A  few  days  afterward  Zaremba  announced  his  resig- 
nation to  the  council,  and  applied  to  Saldern,  the 
Russian  ambassador,  for  an  amnesty.  About  the 
same  time,  too,  the  confederates  were  informed  by 
Prince  Jablonowski,  their  deputy  at  Vienna,  that  an 
alliance  was  signed  between  Austria,  Russia,  and 
Prussia,  and  that  the}  designed  to  seize  some  pa- 
latinates. On  the  22d  of  April,  the  castle  of  Cracow 
was  obliged  to  surrender,  and  nearly  at  the  same  time 
10,000  Austrians  under  Count  Esterhazy  entered  Po- 
land from  Hungary.  The  council  was  broken  up ; 
all  the  posts  were  deserted,  and  the  confederation 
was  at  an  end.  The  chiefs  dispersed  into  foreign 
countries.  Pulawski  retired  to  America,  and  fell  in 
the  cause  of  freedom  near  Savannah ;  while  a  few 
of  the  patriots,  assembled  at  Braunau  in  Bavaria, 
made  a  useless  protestation  against  the  invasion,  and 
sent  it  to  the  different  courts  of  Europe. 

Such  was  the  fate  of  the  famous  confederates  of 
Bar.     Like  all  other  unfortunate  enterprises,  theirs 
has  been  repeatedly  the  object  of  vituperation  and 
scandal.     They  have  been  viewed  as  bigots  and  law- 
less rebels,  by  the  jaundiced  eye  of  power ;  and  even 
those  who  think  for  themselves  havd' deemed  it  use- 
less to  defend  a  cause  that  no  longer  existed,  for  the 
,  sake  .of  abstract  argument  on  general  principles. 
-But  that  must  be  short-sighted  reasoning  indeed 
91  which  sees  in  the  affair  of  the  dissidents  the  only 
cause  of  the  confederacy,  or,  in  fact,  any  thing  more 
than  one  of  the  ostensible  grounds  of  complaint. 
The  grievances  which  rankled  in  the  breasts  of  the 
confederates  form  the  burden  of  their  manifestoes, 


208  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

and  are,  "suspension  of  the  liberty  of  the  diets, 
foreign  encroachment,  seizure  of  the  principal  men  of 
the  nation,  &c."  That  they  were  not  lawless  rebels 
is  well  proved  by  Count  Oginski,  the  grand-general 
of  Lithuania,  in  his  manifesto  of  the  12th  of  Sep- 
tember, 1771.  "  One  of  the  most  ancient  rights 
of  the  Polish  state,"  he  says,  "  is,  that  whenever 
foreign  troops  enter  the  country,  the  generals  should 
assemble  the  army  of  the  republic,"  &c.*  No  syllo- 
gistic reasoning  fortunately  is  requisite  to  draw  the 
line  between  right  and  wrong  in  this  case  of  political 
oppression;  every  feeling  of  indignation  at  the 
tyranny  of  Russia  rises  up  in  evidence  to  aid  the 
justice  of  the  cause  of  the  Polish  confederation. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Origin  of  the  Plan  of  Partition — Prediction  of  Stanislas — Relations  of  the 
three  Powers— Frederic— Maria  Theresa— Kaunitz— The  Emperor 
Joseph  has  an  Interview  with  Frederic  at  Neiss— Interview  at  Neu- 
stad— Frederic's  Encroachments  and  Tyranny  in  Polish  Prussia — 
The  Austrians  seize  Zips— Prince  Henry's  Visit  to  Petersburg — Prince 
Henry  proposes  the  Partition— The  three  Powers  sign  the  Treaty  of 
Partition— Division — "  Defences"  of  the  three  Powers — "  Deduction," 
&c.— The  Diet  of  Partition— Patriots,  Reyten,  Korsak,  &c.— Poninski, 
the  Marshal — Reyten's  bold  Resistance— The  Diet  appoint  Commis- 
sioners— The  Treaty  is  ratified— Permanent  Council — Inaction  of 
Foreign  Powers. 

THE  fulness  of  time  was  now  come  to  show  the 
Poles  the  accomplishment  of  the  prophecy  which 
had  been  so  often  shouted  in  their  ears  to  no  purpose 
by  the  true  friends  of  the  republic,  that  the  mutual 
jealousies  of  their  neighbours  was  not  a  sufficient 
safeguard  from  foreign  encroachment  and  oppression. 
They  seemed  to  forget,  that  even  supposing  the 

*  See  ViomeruTs  Letters,  p.  16Z 


ORIGIN    OF    THE    PARTITION.  209 

sfrwtes  of  Europe  were  able  to  counterpoise  each 
other,  the  balance  of  power  was  constantly  vibrating; 
and  that  the  equilibrium  might  be  preserved,  as  well 
by  making  the  Polish  shares  to  be  taken  by  the 
several  powers  proportionate,  as  by  keeping-  to  their 
own  boundaries. 

One  who  was  the  most  competent  to  judge  of  the 
interests  and  prospects  of  Poland,  from  having  been 
its  sovereign,  had  exhorted  them  many  years  before, 
in  the  plainest  and  most  forcible  terms,  to  open  their 
eyes  to  their  danger.  "  I  reflect,"  said  the  royal  and 
beneficent  philosopher,  Stanislas  Leszczynski,  "  with 
dread  upon  the  perils  which  surround  us ;  what  force 
have  we  to  resist  our  neighbours  ?  and  on  what  do 
we  found  this  extreme  confidence  which  keeps  us 
chained,  as  it  were,  slumbering  in  disgraceful  re- 
pose ?  Do  we  trust  to  the  faith  of  treaties  1  How 
many  examples  have  we  of  the  frequent  neglect  of 
even  the  most  solemn  agreements !  We  imagine 
that  our  neighbours  are  interested  in  our  preserva- 
tion by  their  mutual  jealousy — a  vain  prejudice,  which 
deceives  us ;  ridiculous  infatuation,  which  formerly 
cost  the  Hungarians  their  liberty,  and  which  will 
surely  deprive  us  of  ours,  if  depending  on  such  a 
frivolous  hope  we  continue  unarmed ;  our  turn  will 
come,  no  doubt ;  either  we  shall  be  the  prey  of  some 
famous  conquerors,  or,  perhaps,  even  the  neighbouring1 
powers  will  combine  to  divide  our  states."*  In  vain 
were  this  and  similar  appeals  made  to  the  Poles ;  sad 
experience  only  was  to  convince  them  of  their  truth. 

The  whole  of  the  preceding  history  has  been  an 
exposition  of  the  course  of  events  which  finally  left 
Poland  so  entirely  at  the  mercy  of  the  adjacent 
powers ;  and  it  now  remains  for  us  to  solve  that  sin- 
gular problem, — how  the  three  states,  Russia,  Prussia, 
and  Austria,  agreed  to  forget  for  a  time  their  mutual 
jealousies  to  portion  out  this  unfortunate  country. 

*  "  Observations  on  the  dangers  to  which  Poland  is  exposed  by  the 
abuses  .ofits  government."— See  "  GEuvres  Clioisies  de  Stanislas." 
S2 


210  HISTORY    OF   POLAND. 

Some  writers,  possessed  with  the  love  of  reducing 
political  transactions  to  one  rigid  scale  of  cause  and 
effect,  and  at  the  same  time  of  exhibiting  their 
acumen  by  threading  the  mazes  of  events  up  to  re- 
mote circumstances,  pretend  to  trace  the  design  of 
the  partition  of  Poland  for  more  than  a  century  back. 
Rulhiere  seems  to  plume  himself  on  the  idea :  "  The 
projects  executed  in  our  days  against  Poland,"  he 
observes,  "  were  proposed  more  than  a  hundred  years 
ago.  I  have  discovered  this  important  and  hitherto 
unknown  circumstance  in  the  archives  of  foreign  af- 
fairs of  France."  This  point  had  been  canvassed 
under  the  reign  of  John  Casimir ;  and  it  only  remains 
to  be  remarked,  that  such  very  subtle  analysis  of  the 
motives  and  progress  of  actions  generally  overshoots 
the  mark,  since  no  men  can  act  always  according  to 
rule,  but  are  in  some  degree  influenced  by  circum- 
stances and  caprice.  It  would  be  equally  absurd  to 
imagine  that  Frederic,  in  the  complicated  intrigues 
which  preceded  the  first  partition,  was  actuated  by 
one  deeply  laid  scheme  of  policy  to  arrive  at  one 
end,  the  possession  of  Polish  Prussia.  It  was,  in- 
deed, absolutely  essential  for  him  to  obtain  this 
province,  to  consolidate  and  open  a  communication 
between  his  scattered  dominions,  which  then,  as 
Voltaire  says,  were  stretched  out  like  a  pair  of 
gaiters ;  but  it  remained  a  desideratum  rather  than  a 
design,*  since  he  knew  that  neither  Russia  nor 
Austria  would  be  inclined  to  permit  the  aggression  ; 
for  the  former  had  evidently  marked  out  the  whole 
of  Poland  for  herself,  and  would  consider  Frederic 
an  unwelcome  intruder;  while  Austria,  which  had 
lately  experienced  the  Prussian  king's  encroach- 
ments, was  more  jealous  than  ever  of  his  obtaining 
the  slightest  aggrandizement,  and  had  openly  de- 

*  Frederic  had  some  distant  hopes  in  the  early  part  of  his  reign 
"Quatre  points  principaux  s'offroientd  mes  yeux;  la  Silesie,  la  Prusse 
Polonaise,  la  Gueldic  Holandoise,  et  la  Pomeranie  Suedoise.  Je  me  fixai 
A  la  Silesie,  et  je  laisse  au  terns  le  soin  d'executer  mes  projets  sur  les 
autres  points."— MatinetwTun  Roi,  p  32. 


VIEWS    OF   THE    GREAT    POWERS.  211 

clared,  that  she  would  not  allow  the  seizure  of  the 
least  Polish  village.  His  views,  however,  widened 
as  he  advanced,  and  no  doubt  he  spoke  with  sin- 
cerity, when  he  told  the  Emperor  Joseph  that  "  he 
had  never  followed  a  plan  in  war,  much  less  any 
plan  in  policy,  and  that  events  alone  had  suggested 
all  his  resolutions."  Admitting  the  truth  of  this,  we 
proceed  to  trace  out  the  circumstances  which  pro- 
duced this  crisis. 

The  relations  of  the  three  courts,  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  war  between  Russia  and  Turkey,  did 
not  portend  any  thing  like  a  coalition;  Frederic, 
indeed,  was  in  alliance  with  Russia,*  but  also  secretly 
favoured  the  sultan ;  Austria  was  all  but  an  open 
enemy  of  both  Russia  and  Prussia.  Circumstances, 
however,  obliged  Austria  to  forget  her  hatred  to 
Prussia,  and  Frederic  thus  became  the  mediator 
between  the  courts  of  Vienna  and  Petersburg. 
Frederic  had  every  reason  to  wish  to  lull  the  sus- 
picions and  jealousies  of  Austria,  that  he  might  be 
left  in  undisputed  possession  of  Silesia;  and  that 
power,  moreover,  was  no  longer  an  object  of  dread 
or  jealousy  to  him,  for  the  seven  years'  war  had 
reduced  its  resources  to  the  lowest  ebb.f  The  dis- 
positions of  the  court  of  Vienna  cannot  be  comprised 
in  so  few  words ;  its  situation  was  much  more  com- 
plicated, its  policy  more  embarrassed,  and  the  persons 
who  governed  it  will  be  much  more  difficult  to  make 
known.J 

Maria  Theresa  was  now  not  very  far  from  the 
tomb,  and  after  all  the  arduous  struggles  she  had  un- 
dergone for  the  defence  of  her  states,  the  vicissitudes 
she  had  experienced,  and  the  exhaustion  of  her 
resources,  she  determined  to  end  her  days  in  peace. 
She  devoted  almost  the  whole  of  her  time  to  super- 

*  This  treaty  was  concluded  in  April,  1763,  after  the  peace  of  Huberts- 
burg,  and  was  to  be  in  force  eight  years, 
t  Rulhtere,  torn.  iv.  p.  158. 
J  Rulhiere  gives  a  laboured  analysis  of  the  court  of  Vienna. 


212  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

stitious  devotions  in  a  gloomy  chamber  hung  round 
with  death's  heads,  and  a  portrait  of  her  late  husband 
in  the  act  of  expiring.  She  yet  cherished,  however, 
some  of  the  feelings  of  mortality,  implacable  hatred 
to  Frederic,  and  contempt  mingled  with  hate  for 
Catharine,  of  whom  she  never  spoke  but  with  dis- 
dain, calling  her  "  that  woman."  Besides,  she  could 
sometimes  also  silence  the  reproaches  of  conscience, 
so  as  to  seize  for  the  public  use  the  bequests  of  the 
pious  for  religious  purposes,  and  to  confiscate  the 
revenues  of  rich  monasteries  apparently  without  any 
compunction.  Men  fancied,  says  our  author,*  that 
they  could  foresee  in  all  this  conduct  that  if  this  just 
and  religious  princess  had  power  enough  over  her- 
self to  silence  her  generosity  and  even  sometimes 
her  piety,  she  might  perhaps  be  capable  in  some  state 
crisis  of  incurring  still  greater  remorse,  and  silence 
justice.  Her  minister,  Kaunitz,  to  whom  she  in- 
trusted all  the  management  of  affairs,  is  not  the  least 
important  personage  in  this  drama,  nor  did  he  under- 
rate his  own  consequence.  "  Heaven,"  said  he,  "  is  a 
hundred  years  in  forming  a  great  mind  for  the  restora*- 
tion  of  an  empire,  and  it  then  rests  another  hundred 
years ;  on  this  account  I  tremble  for  the  fate  which 
await-s  this  monarchy  after  me."  Throughout  a  long 
and  arduous  ministry  he  had  shown  himself  the 
most  subtle  and  refined  politician,  unfettered  in  his 
schemes  by  any  remorse  or  feeling,  and  making  a 
boast  that  he  had  no  friends.  Such  a  man  was  well 
fitted  to  play  the  part  allotted  to  hi«i.  After  the 
conclusion  of  the  long  war,  he  had  made  it  his  policy 
to  repair  the  damages  the  empire  had  sustained  by 
alliances,  and  even  his  opposition  to  Frederic  daily 
subsided. 

But  it  was  another  agent  who  commenced  the  con- 
nexion between  Austria  and  Prussia.  Joseph,  Maria 
Theresa's  son,  and  co-regent  with  his  mother,  de* 


POLICY   OF    THE    GREAT   FREDERIC.  213 

tested  this  pacific  policy,  and  longed  for  war.  He 
was,  however,  obliged  to  submit ;  for  Maria  dreaded 
the  effects  of  this  warlike  propensity,  and  kept  the 
government  in  the  hands  of  her  ministers.  He  had 
continual  contentions  with  the  empress,  and  urged 
her  to  improve  her  finances  by  conquest;  or  aggression ; 
but  all  the  power  he  could  obtain  was  the  command 
of  the  troops,  which  he  augmented  to  200,000  men, 
and  organized  them  under  the  counsel  of  his  field- 
marshal,  Lasey.  In  his  mania  for  military  matters, 
he  visited,  in  1768,  all  the  fields  of  battle  of  the  last 
war,  and  after  traversing  Bohemia  and  Saxony,  and 
learning  from  his  generals  the  causes  of  the  defeats 
and  victories,  he  approached  in  the  course  of  his  tour 
the  borders  of  Prussian  Silesia,  where  Frederic  was 
engaged  in  his  annual  reviews.  The  king  sent  a 
polite  message,  and  expressed  a  great  desire  to  be 
personally  acquainted  with  him.  The  young  prince 
could  not  pay  a  visit  to  the  former  enemy  of  his 
family  without  previously  consulting  his  mother,  the 
empress ;  and  the  interview  was  deferred  till  the  next 
year ;  when  it  took  place  on  the  25th  of  August,  at 
Neiss,  a  town  in  Silesia. 

At  this  period  the  war  between  Russia  and  Turkey 
engrossed  general  attention,  and  seems  to  have 
formed  the  principal  subject  of  the  conference ;  but  no 
resolutions  of  any  importance  were  agreed  to.  The 
flattering  manner  in  which  Frederic  received  the 
young  prince  must  have  made  a  great  impression  on 
his  mind ;  and  the  extravagant  compliments  which 
were  lavished  on  him  were  highly  gratifying  to 
youthful  vanity,  from  such  a  great  man.  Frederic 
frequently  repeated  that  Joseph  would  surpass  Charles 
V.;  and  though  it  has  the  appearance  of  irony 
to  those  acquainted  with  the  denouement  of  this 
youthful  monarch's  character,  it  was  probably  not 
intended  so,  for  Frederic,  we  have  seen  before,  could 
stoop  to  the  most  servile  adulation  when  it  answered 
his  purpose.  Be  that  as  it  may,  the  effect  on  Joseph 


214  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

was  the  same,  for  on  his  return  he  spoke  of  the 
Prussian  monarch  with  the  highest  enthusiasm. 

Maria  Theresa  was  growing  old,  and  the  Austrian 
ministers  began  to  turn  to  the  rising  sun ;  the  eyes 
of  Kaunitz  were  opened  to  the  policy  of  cultivating 
a  friendship  with  Prussia ;  and  the  correspondence 
between  the  two  courts  became  every  day  more  fre- 
quent. This  led  to  another  conference  between  the 
two  princes  at  Neustadt,  in  Moravia,  which  was  htld 
on  the  3d  of  September,  1770,  and  at  which  Kaunitz 
was  present.  The  king  was  more  courteous  than 
ever ;  he  appeared  in  the  military  uniform  of  Austria, 
and  continued  to  wear  it  as  long  as  he  remained  in 
the  Austrian  territory.  He  made  use  of  every  species 
of  compliment ;  one  day,  as  they  were  leaving  the 
dining-room,  and  the  emperor  made  a  motion  to  give 
him  the  precedence,  he  stepped  back,  saying,  with  a 
significant  smile  and  double  entendre,  not  lost  on 
Joseph,  "  Since  your  imperial  majesty  begins  to  ma- 
noeuvre, I  must  follow  wherever  you  lead."  Nor  did 
he  spare  his  civilities  to  Kaunitz,  with  the  view  of 
removing  the  rankling  feeling  which  had  often  made 
that  conceited  minister  exclaim,  "The  King  of 
Prussia  is  the  only  man  who  denies  me  the  esteem 
which  is  due  to  me."  Kaunitz  insisted  on  the  ne- 
cessity of  opposing  the  ambitious  views  of  Russia, 
and  stated  that  the  empress  would  never  allow  Catha«- 
rine  to  take  possession  of  Moldavia  and  Walachia, 
which  would  make  her  states  adjoin  those  of  Austria ; 
nor  permit  her  to  penetrate  farther  into  Turkey.  He 
added,  that  an  alliance  between  Austria  and  Prussia 
was  the  only  means  of  checking  Catharine's  over- 
bearing power.  To  this  Frederic  replied,  that  being 
in  alliance  with  the  court  of  Petersburg,  his  only 
practicable  measure  was  to  prevent  the  war  from 
becoming  general  by  conciliating  the  friendly  feel- 
ings of  Catharine  towards  Austria.  On  the  day  after 
this  conference,  a  courier  arrived  from  Constant!- 
jiople,  with  the  news  of  the  destruction  of  the  Turkish 


MOTIVES    OF    THE    COALITION.  215 

fleet,  and  the  route  of  their  army,  and  to  request  the 
mediation  of  the  courts  of  Vienna  and  Berlin.  To 
this  both  readily  assented,  but  without  agreeing  upon 
any  terms. 

Frederic  did  not  forget  to  follow  up  his  former 
mode  of  tactics  with  the  emperor ;  he  pretended  to 
make  him  the  confidant  of  all  his  designs,  a  species 
of; flattery  most  gratifying  to  a  young  prince.  On 
hi&return  to  Berlin,  also,  the  king  affected  to  imitate 
the  Austrian  manners,  and  uttered  several  pompous 
panegyrics  on  the  talents  of  Joseph,  who  had  recited 
to  him  some  of  Tasso's  verses,  and  nearly  a  whole 
act  of  the  Pastor  Fido. 

Thus  did  Frederic  avail  himself  of  circumstances 
to  commence  an  amicable  correspondence  with 
Austria,  and  he  thus  became  the  medium  of  commu- 
nication between  the  hostile  courts  of  Vienna  and 
Petersburg.  No  more  direct  intelligence,  however, 
existed  between  these  two  states  than  before ;  for 
great  as  was  Theresa's  hatred  against  Catharine, 
Catharine's  was  no  less  violent ;  and  even  when  Aus- 
tria made  friendly  overtures,  through  Frederic,  con- 
cerning mediation  between  Turkey  and  Russia,  she 
desired  Frederic  to  desist,  and  rejected  the  inter 
ference. 

A  channel  of  communication,  however,  was  opened 
between  the  three  conspiring  powers  ;  and  the  next 
step  was  for  one  of  the  triumvirate  to  broach  the 
iniquitous  partition  plot.  It  is  made  a  matter  of 
much  dispute  which  of  them  started  the  project,  and 
they  all  equally  disclaim  the  infamy  of  being  its 
author.  The  fact,  no  doubt,  was,  that  in  this,  as  in 
all  other  unjust  coalitions,  they  did  not,  in  the  first 
instance,  act  on  a  preconcerted  plan ;  but  each  indi- 
vidual power  cherished  secretly  its  design,  and  like 
designing  villains,  who  understand  one  another, 
almost 

"  Without  eyes,  ears,  and  harmful  sound  of  words," 


216  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

the  conspiring  parties  were  naturally  drawn  together 
by  the  similarity  of  reckless  atrocity  in  their  designs. 

It  cannot  be  imagined  that  the  scheme  of  partition 
originated  with  Catharine;  she  had  long  been  the 
real  mistress  of  Poland,  the  king  was  nothing  more 
'than  her  tenant  at  will,  and  it  required  only  a  little 
time  for  the  whole  kingdom  to  sink  into  a  Russian 
province.  The  intentions  of  the  other  powers  began 
to  evince  themselves  more  plainly  in  1770.  Frederic 
began  to  throw  out  hints  of  claims  on  certain  Polish 
districts ;  he  obliged  the  Polish  Prussians  to  furnish 
his  troops  with  horses  and  corn,  in  exchange  for 
debased  money,  which  was  either  forged  Polish  silver 
coin,  only  one-third  of  its  nominal  value,  or  false 
Dutch  ducats,  seventeen  per  cent,  under  the  proper 
value.*  By  this  disgraceful  species  of  swindling,  it 
is  calculated,  he  gained  7,000,000  of  dollars.  The 
young  Poles  were  enrolled  in  the  armies  by  force ; 
and  every  town  and  village  in  Posnania  was  taxed 
at  a  stated  number  of  marriageable  girls,  who  were 
sent  to  stock  the  districts  of  the  Prussian  dominions 
depopulated  by  the  long  wars.  Each  girl's  portion 
was  to  be  a  bed,  two  pigs,  a  cow,  and  three  ducats 
of  gold.  It  is  said  that  one  town  alone  was  obliged 
to  furnish  the  Prussian  general,  Belling,  with  fifty 
girls.  Under  pretence  that  the  magistrates  of  Dantzig 
prevented  the  levies,  troops  were  marched  into  the 
territory  of  the  city,  a  contribution  of  100,000  ducats 
was  exacted,  and  1000  young  men  were  pressed  for 
the  Prussian  service.  Frederic's  military  possession 
of  Posnania,  as  well  as  the  greater  part  of  Polish 
Prussia,  seemed  to  be  but  too  consonant  with  his 
hinted  claims,  and  his  arbitrary  levies  evinced,  not 
merely  intended,  but  actual  possession. 

Austria,  too,  was  playing  a  similar  part  on  the 
south.  In  the  spring  of  1769  Birzynski,  at  the  head 
of  a  small  troop  of  confederates,  entered  Lubowla, 

*  He  published  an  edict  on  the  29th  of  October,  1771,  commanding  all 
persons  to  take  the  money  offered  by  his  troops. 


VIEWS    OF   AUSTRIA.  217 

one  of  the  towns  in  the  starosty  or  district  of  Zips, 
or  Spiz,  with  the  intention  of  levying  contributions, 
as  he  was  accustomed,  in  a  disorderly  manner.  This 
little  district  is  situated  to  the  south  of  the  palatinate 
of  Cracow,  among  the  Carpathian  mountains,  and 
had  been  originally  a  portion  of  the  kingdom  of 
Hungary.  The  confederates  were  followed  by  the 
Russians,  and  took  refuge  in  Hungary,  as  was  their 
custom.  This  near  approach  of  the  Russians  to  the 
imperial  frontiers  was  made  a  pretext  by  the  court 
of  Vienna  for  concentrating  a  body  of  troops  there ; 
and  at  the  same  time  hints  were  thrown  out  of  Aus- 
tria's claims,  not  only  to  this,  but  some  of  the  adjacent 
districts.  Researches  were  ordered  to  be  made  into  old 
records,  to  establish  these  pretensions ;  the  Austrian 
troops  seized  the  territory  of  Zips,  and  engineers 
were  employed  by  the  empress  to  mark  out  the 
frontier.  They  advanced  the  boundary  line  along 
the  districts  of  Sandecz,  Nowitarg,  and  Czorsztyn, 
and  marked  it  out  with  posts  furnished  with  the  im- 
perial eagle.  Stanislas  had  complained  of  this  pro- 
ceeding in  a  letter  of  the  28th  of  October,  1770 ;  to 
which  the  empress  returned  for  answer,  in  January, 
1771,  that  she  would  willingly  make  an  amicable 
arrangement,  after  peace  was  established,  to  settle 
the  disputed  frontier,  but  that  she  was  determined  to 
claim  her  right  to  the  district  of  Zips,  and  that  for 
the  present  it  was  requisite  to  pursue  the  operation 
of  demarcation.  The  empress  seems  to  have  been 
instigated  not  only  by  the  characteristic  avidity  of 
Austrian  policy,  but  by  jealousies  awakened  by  the 
near  approaches  of  the  Russian  troops.  Besides,  it 
is  a  point  of  some  consequence  to  be  remembered, 
though  it  seems  to  have  escaped  the  observation  of 
most  historians,  that  she  had  before  her  eyes  a  fearful 
proof  of  the  danger  of  an  uncertain  frontier  in  the 
affair  of  Balta,  which  was  the  ostensible  cause  of  the 
war  between  Turkey  and  Russia.  This  open  en- 
croachment on  the  Polish  territory,  however,  was  a 
T 


218  HISTORY    OF   POLAND. 

fatal  precedent ;  Catharine  and  Frederic  could  ad- 
vance, as  excuses  for  thsir  proceedings,  that  they  were 
solely  intended  to  restore  tranquillity  to  Poland ;  and 
that  their  possession  was  only  temporary,  whereas 
Theresa's  was  a  permanent  seizure.  Frederic,  there- 
fore, endeavours  strenuously  in  his  writings  to  ex- 
onerate his  intentions  from  censure,  and  shifts  the 
odium  of  this  step  on  Austria;  but  whether  he  is 
absolutely  innocent  of  the  "  injustice,"  as  he  him- 
self calls  it,  or  adds  to  his  guilt  by  the  height  of 
hypocrisy  and  cant,  is  a  question  not  very  difficult 
of  solution. 

The  three  powers  could  now  readily  understand 
each  other's  designs ;  but  the  first  communication 
which  took  place  between  them  on  the  subject  oc- 
curred in  December,  1770,  and  Jan.  1771.  In  the 
former  month  Catharine  invited  Prince  Henry,  Frede- 
ric's brother,  who  had  before  been  a  personal  ac- 
quaintance, tp  her  court;  and  the  wily  despot  of 
Prussia  urged  him  earnestly  to  accept  the  invitation. 
He  reached  Petersburg  in  the  midst  of  the  public 
festivities  and  rejoicings  for  the  victories  over  the 
Turks  ;  and  having,  like  his  brother,  abundant  flattery 
at  will,  he  seized  the  opportunity  of  loading  Catharine 
with  compliments.  It  would  be  absurd  to  suppose 
that  the  empress,  masculine  as  her  mind  was,  could 
be  insensible  to  this  species  of  attack ;  she,  like  all 
other  followers  of  ambition  and  conquest,  made  the 
applause  and  admiration,  even  of  the  vulgar,  the  aim 
of  her  life ;  and  it  can  only  be  affectation  in  those 
who  pretend  to  despise  the  adulation  which  they  so 
eagerly  labour  for.  Henry  was  admitted  to  confi- 
dential conferences,  and  so  well  did  he  avail  himself 
of  his  opportunities  and  influence,  that  he  succeeded 
in  persuading  the  empress  to  accept  the  mediation 
of  Austria  between  Turkey  and  Russia,— a  commis- 
sion with  which  he  was  charged  by  his  brother.  It 
was  in  these  conferences  that  the  fate  of  Poland  was 
decided ;  while  Catharine  was  hesitating  about 


IXTRIGTTES    OP   PRUSSIA.  219 

accepting  the  terms  Austria  proposed,  which  were 
that  she  should  renounce  her  design  upon  Moldavia 
and  Walachia,  the  news  arrived  at  Petersburg  that 
the  Austrian  troops  had  taken  possession  of  Zips. 
Catharine  was  much  astonished  at  the  proceeding, 
and  remarked,  that  if  Austria  seized  the  Polish  terri- 
tory, the  two  other  neighbouring  powers  must 
imitate  her  example  until  she  desisted.  This  hint 
suggested  to  Henry  a  mode  of  removing  those  objec- 
tions of  Austria  which  impeded  the  negotiation. 
He  knew  that  the  court  of  Vienna  was  as  eager  for 
aggrandizement  as  Russia,  and  that  all  her  jealousies 
would  be  allayed  by  a  similar  accession  of  territory ; 
that  at  the  same  time  she  would  never  consent  to 
have  the  Russians  as  her  neighbours  in  Moldavia 
and  Walachia,  but  would  have  no  objection  to  their 
making  an  equal  increase  to  that  immense  empire 
elsewhere.  Frederic's  consent,  also,  must  be  pur- 
chased by  an  equal  allotment;  where  then,  he 
thought,  were  there  three  such  portions  to  be  found 
but  where  Austria  pointed  out.  Catharine  approved 
of  the  plan  after  a  few  moments'  reflection,  but  men- 
tioned two  impediments ; — first,  that  when  her  troops 
had  entered  Poland  she  had  solemnly  declared  that 
she  would  maintain  the  integrity  of  the  kingdom  ;* 
and  next,  that  Austria  would  not  receive  such  a  pro- 
posal from  her  without  suspicion.  These  difficulties 
were  readily  removed,  the  first  by  breaking  the  en- 
gagement, and  the  second  by  making  Frederic  the 
negotiator  with  the  court  of  Vienna. 

Frederic's  admirers  pretend  that  he  was  unac- 
quainted with  this  intrigue,  and  when  the  plan  was 
made  known  to  him,  opposed  it  strenuously ;  "  but 
that  on  the  following  day,  having  reflected  on  the 
misfortunes  of  the  Poles,  and  on  the  impossibility  of 
re-establishing  their  liberty,  he  showed  himself  more 
tractable."  It  is  to  be  hoped,  that  for  the  sake  of 

*  The  9th  section  of  the  code  of  1767  stated,  "  that  no  part  was  ever 
to  he  dismembered." 


220  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

Fredeii  's  remnant  of  character,  this  is  not  true; 
after  the  singular  manner  in  which  he  had  evinced 
his  concern  for  "  the  misfortunes  of  the  Poles,"  and 
his  solicitude  for  their  "  liberty"  in  Polish  Prussia, 
such  pretensions  would  have  been  the  very  height  of 
hypocrisy.  His  scruples,  at  any  rate,  if  any  such 
existed,  were  soon  dispelled;  and  he  exerted  himself 
in  persuading  the  court  of  Vienna  to  enter  into  the 
plot.* 

Austria  was  but  too  ready  to  fall  into  the  design  ; 
the  conflicting  views,  indeed,  between  Maria  Theresa, 
Joseph,  and  their  minister  Kaunitz  gave  rise  to 
some  complication  of  politics  and  consequent  delay. 
Frederic,  strongly  as  he  is  said  to  have  disclaimed 
the  plan  in  the  present  instance,  was  now  the  only 
party  impatient  to  conclude  it.  "  The  slowness  and 
irresolution  of  the  Russians,"  he  says  in  his  Me- 
moires,  "  protracted  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty  of 
partition ;  the  negotiation  hung  chiefly  on  the  pos- 
session of  the  city  of  Dantzig.  The  Russians  pre- 
tended they  had  guarantied  the  liberty  of  this  little 
republic ;  but  it  was  in  fact  the  English,  who,  jealous 
of  the  Prussians,  protected  the  liberty  of  this  mari- 
time town,f  and  who  prompted  the  Empress  of  Russia 

*  The  nature  of  a  negotiation  of  such  a  character  as  the  above  ren- 
dered it  profoundly  secret ;  the  principals  transacted  the  business  as 
much  as  possible  without  the  intervention  of  agents,  and  would  not,  of 
course,  be  the  persons  to  expose  their  own  iniquitous  proceedings  ;  conse- 
quently, much  mystery  is  thrown  over  the  early  stages  of  the  plot.  Rul- 
hiere  and  all  those  writers  who  have  had  the  greatest  facilities  for 
investigation  agree  that  the  partition  was  planned  at  the  period  of 
Henry's  visit  to  Petersburg.  The  above  version  of  the  story  is  taken 
chiefly  from  Prince  Henry's  own  statement. — See  the  "  Souvenirs," 
p.  87,  in  "  Lettres  particuli^res  du  Baron  de  Viomenil  sur  les  Affaires  de 
J'ologne  en  1771  et  1772,  &c."  It  differs  in  a  few  points  from  Rulhi£re'a 
account.  Histoire  de  1 'Anarchic  de  Pologne,  vol.  iv.  p.  202. 

t  The  Russians  did  not  merely  pretend  to  have  guarantied  the  liberty 
of  Dantzig.  There  was  a  formal  treaty  signed  by  Russia,  Great  Britain, 
Denmark,  Sweden,  and  Prussia,  with  Dantzig,  in  1767,  which  promised 
to  protect  the  commerce  of  that  city.  The  English,  too,  were  bound  to 
interpose  in  favour  of  Dantzig,  having  made  similar  treaties  ih  1655  and 
1707.  These  may  be  seen  in  the  Appendix  to  "  Letters  concerning  the 
Present  State  of  Polaad,"  by  J.  Liud.  London,  1772. 


TREATY   OF    PARTITION.  221 

not  lo  consent  to  the  demands  of  his  Prussian 
majesty.  It  was  requisite,  however,  for  the  king  to 
determine  ;  and  as  it  was  evident  that  the  master  of 
the  Vistula  and  the  port  of  Dantzig  would,  in  time, 
subject  that  city,  he  decided  that  it  was  not  necessary 
to  stop  such  an  important  negotiation,  for  an  ad- 
vantage which  in  fact  was  only  deferred ;  therefore 
his  majesty  relaxed  in  this  demand. — After  so  many 
obstacles  had  been  removed,  this  secret  contract  was 
signed  at  Petersburg,  17th  Feb.  1772.— The  month 
of  June  was  fixed  on  for  taking  possession,  and  it  was 
agreed  that  the  empress-queen  should  be  invited  to 
join  the  two  contracting  powers  and  share  in  the  par- 
tition." 

It  now  remained  to  persuade  Austria  to  join  the 
coalition.  Joseph  and  Kaunitz  were  soon  won  over, 
but  Maria  Theresa's  conscience  made  a  longer  re- 
sistance. The  fear  of  hell,  she  said,  restrained  her 
from  seizing  another's  possessions.  It  was  repre- 
sented to  her,  however,  that  her  resistance  could  not 
prevent  the  other  two  powers  from  portioning  out 
Poland,  but  might  occasion  a  war  which  would  cost 
the  valuable  lives  of  many ;  whereas  the  peaceable 
partition  would  not  spill  a  drop  of  blood.  She  was 
thus,  she  imagined,  placed  in  a  dilemma  between  two 
sins ;  and  forgetting  the  command,  "  do  not  evil  that 
good  may  come,"  she  endeavoured  to  persuade  her- 
self that  she  was  doing  her  duty  in  choosing  the  least. 
She  yielded  at  length  with  the  air  of  some  religious 
devotee,  who  exclaims  to  her  artful  seducer,  "may 
God  forgive  you  !"  and  at  the  same  time  sinks  into 
his  arms.  The  contract  was  signed  between  Prussia 
and  Austria  on  the  4th  of  March,  and  the  definite 
treaty  of  partition  which  regulated  the  three  por- 
tions was  concluded  on  the  5th  of  August,  1772. 

Russia  was  to  have,  by  this  first  partition,  the 

palatinates  of  Polock,  Witebsk,  and  Mscislaw,  as  far 

as  the  rivers  Dvvina  and  Dnieper,  more  than  3000 

square   leagues;   Austria  had  for  her  share  Red 

T2 


222  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

Russia  (Gallicia),  and  a  portion  of  Podoiia  and  Little 
Poland  as  far  as  the  Vistula,  about  2500  square 
leagues ;  and  Prussia  was  to  be  contented  with  Po- 
lish Prussia  (excepting  Dantzig  and  Thorn  with 
their  territory),  and  part  of  Great  Poland  as  far  as 
the  river  Notec  (or  Netze),  comprising  about  900 
square  leagues.  All  the  rest  of  the  kingdom  was  to 
be  ensured  to  Stanislas  under  the  old  constitution. 

All  the  three  powers  thought  it  necessary  to  pub- 
lish some  defence  of  their  conduct ;  and,  in  separate 
pamphlets,  they  attempted  to  prove  that  they  had 
legitimate  claims  on  Poland,  and  that  their  present 
violent  seizures  were  only  just  resumptions  of  their 
own  territory,  or  equivalent  to  it. 

Rulhiere  says  that  Catharine  only  made  her  claim 
as  a  just  indemnification  for  the  trouble  and  expense 
which  she  had  devoted  to  Poland ;  this,  however,  it 
will  be  found,  by  referring  to  her  defence,*  is  not  the 
case.  She  sets  forth  the  great  kindness  she  had 
shown  the  republic  by  ensuring  the  election  of  a  Piast 
(Stanislas),  and  uses  these  remarkable  words  on  the 
subject,  "  That  event  was  necessary  to  restore  the 
Polish  liberty  to  its  ancient  lustre,  to  ensure  the 
elective  right  of  the  monarchy,  and  to  destroy 
foreign  influence,  which  was  so  rooted  in  the  state, 
and  which  was  the  continual  source  of  trouble  and 
contest."  She  then  exclaims  against  the  confede- 
rates :  "  Their  ambition  and  cupidity,  veiled  under 
the  phantom  of  religion  and  the  defence  of  their 
laws,  pervade  and  desolate  this  vast  kingdom,  with- 
out the  prospect  of  any  termination  of  this  madness 
but  its  entire  ruin."  She  then  proceeds  with  her 
"  Deduction,"  endeavouring  to  prove,  from  old  au- 
thors, that  it  was  not  till  1686  that  the  Polish  limits 
were  extended  beyond  the  mouth  of  the  Dwina  and 

*  Expose  de  la  conduite  de  la  rour  imperiale  de  Russia  vis-a-vis  de 
la  serenisshne  Republique  de  Pologne,  avec  la  deduction  des  litres  sur 
lesquels  elle  foude  sa  prise  de  possession  d'un  equivalent  de  ses  droits 
et  pretentions  a  la  charge  de  cette  puissance.  Petersburg,  1773. 


RUSSIAN   HYPOCRISY.  223 

the  little  town  of  Stoika  on  the  Dnieper,  five  miles 
below  Kiow.  The  following  is  a  specimen  of  the 
lawyer-like  sophistry  which  the  empress  employs  to 
establish  her  claim  to  the  Russian  territory,  which 
remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Poles  after  the  treaty 
in  1686.*  "  The  design  of  such  a  concession  being 
only  to  put  an  end  to  a  bloody  war  more  promptly, 
and  by  a  remedy  as  violent  as  a  devastation  (aussi 
violent  qu'une  devastation)  to  ensure  tranquillity  of 
neighbourhood  between  two  rival  and  newly-recon- 
ciled nations,  it  necessarily  follows  that  every  act 
on  the  part  of  the  subjects  of  the  republic  of  Poland, 
contrary  to  such  intention,  has,  ipso  facto,  revived 
Russia's  indisputable  and  unalienated  right  to  all 
that  extent  of  territory. — It  must  be  observed,  also, 
that  this  arrangement  about  the  frontier  was  only 
provisional  and  temporary,  since  it  is  expressly  said, 
that  it  shall  only  remain  so  until  it  has  been  otherwise 
amicably  settled.  The  object  was,  therefore,  to  give 
the  nations  time  to  lay  aside  their  inveterate  hatred ; 
and  to  remove  immediate  causes  of  dispute  between 
the  different  subjects,  and  consequent  rupture  be- 
tween the  two  states.  Russia  sacrificed  for  a  time 
the  possession  of  the  territory  which  extends  from 
the  fertile  town  of  Stoika  to  the  river  Tecmine,  and 
from  the  right  bank  of  the  Dnieper,  fifty  werstes  in 
breadth  along  the  frontiers  of  Poland.  There  is  no 
idea  of  cession  here  on  the  part  of  Russia ;  it  is  a 
pledge  (gage)  which  she  advances  for  the  solidity  of 
the  peace,  which  ought  to  be  returned  to  her  when  the 
object  of  it  is  effected.  This  is  the  only  reasonable 
construction  which  can  be  put  upon  the  stipulation, 
*  until  it  has  been  otherwise  amicably  settled.''  Russia 
is  not  to  be  a  loser  because  the  confusion  of  the  in- 
ternal affairs  of  Poland  has  never  allowed  that 
country  to  come  to  a  definite  agreement  on  this 
subject  notwithstanding  the  requests  of  Russia." 

*  See  RuUue-re. 


224  HISTORY   OF   POLAND.  f 

It  does  not  demand  much  acumen  to  unveil  sucfi 
impudent  sophistry  as  this.  The  assertion  that  the 
arrangement  was  only  provisional  and  temporary 
is  false ;  the  treaty,  indeed,  left  the  detail  of  the 
boundary  line  to  be  drawn  out  by  commissioners,  as 
must  always  be  the  case  in  arrangements  of  this 
kind,  and  as  was  meant  to  be  implied  by  the  words 
which  the  Russian  minister  transforms  into  "  until  it 
has  been  otherwise  amicably  arranged." 

Such  was  the  weak  manner  in  which  the  Russian 
diplomatists  imagined  to  deceive  Europe ;  their  de- 
fence indeed  is  as  triumphant  a  proof  of  the  badness 
of  their  cause  as  the  most  earnest  friend  of  Poland 
could  desire.  Our  surprise  may  well  be  excited  at 
the  weakness  of  the  argument,  particularly  when 
we  remember  that  Catharine's  servants  had  long 
been  trained  in  glossing  over  the  basest  and  most 
shameful  transactions ;  "  The  ministers  of  Peters- 
burg," said  a  contemporary  writer,*  "  are  accustomed 
to  appear  without  blushing  at  the  tribunal  of  the 
public  in  defence  of  any  cause ;  the  death  of  Peter, 
and  assassination  of  Prince  John,  inured  them  to  it." 
Such  a  work  hardly  requires  refutation.!  Every 
sophism  and  every  falsehood  is  a  damning  argument 
against  the  Russian  cause.  Truth,  in  fact,  is  outraged 
in  every  page  of  the  writing ;  and  one  striking  in 

*  See  Letters  concerning  the  Present  State  of  Poland,  by  J.  Lind. 
London,  1772.  These  letters,  written  by  one  who  had  such  excellent 
facilities  to  arrive  at  information,  would  be  valuable  if  not  debased  by  a 
mere  cynic's  love  (ambiguous  at  the  best)  for  the  good  cause. 

t  This  will  be  found,  however,  in  "  Les  Droits  des  trois  Puissances 
Alliees  sur  plusieurs  Provinces  de  la  Republique  de  Pologne. — Les  re- 
flexions d'un  gentilhomme  Polonais  sur  les  Lettres  patentes  et  preten- 
tions  de  ces  trois  Puissances.  Londres,  1774."  This  work  was  originally 
written  in  Polish  by  Felix  Loyko ;  it  contains  an  elaborate  refutation 
of  all  the  historical  quibbles  of  the  three  partitioning  powers. 

Notwithstanding  the  force  of  truth  and  justice,  it  is  surprising  how 
even  some  great  minds  can  be  warped.  Malte  Brun  makes  the  follow- 
ing remark  in  his  Precis  de  Geographic.  "  The  partition  of  Poland  was, 
on  the  part  of  Russia,  much  less  an  invasion  than  a  reprisal  of  former 
invasions.  If  the  Russian  manifestoes,  in  1772,  had  developed  this  his- 
torical fact  with  energy,  tlie  pity  of  Europe  for  Poland  would  be  con- 
siderably lessened." 


AUSTRIAN   MODERATION.  225 

stance  will  suffice.  Catharine  states  that  the  Polish 
government  would  never  make  any  arrangement 
about  the  frontier ;  but  the  fact  is,  that  even  as  late 
as  1764  commissioners  were  appointed  at  the  diet  of 
coronation  for  this  very  purpose ;  but  the  Russians 
refused  to  nominate  theirs :  again  in  1766,  when 
Count  Rzewinski,  Polish  ambassador  at  Peters- 
burg, made  a  similar  application,  he  was  answered 
that  the  affairs  of  the  dissidents  must  be  first 
settled. 

The  Austrian  pretensions  were  even  more  elabo- 
rately drawn  up  than  those  of  Russia.  In  the  first 
place,  the  district  of  Zips,  the  first  sacrifice  to  Aus- 
trian rapacity,  came  under  consideration.*  Sigis- 
mund,  who  came  to  the  Hungarian  throne  in  1387, 
mortgaged  this  district  to  Wladislas  II.  (Jagellon), 
King  of  Poland,  in  1412,  for  a  stipulated  sum  of 
money,  f  It  is  commonly  called  The  Thirteen 
Towns  of  Zips,  but  the  district  contains  sixteen. 
No  reclamation  of  it  had  been  made  till  the  present 
time  ;  it  had  then  been  in  the  undisputed  possession 
of  Poland  nearly  360  years.  The  chief  demur  which 
the  Austrians  now  made  to  the  mortgage  was,  that 
the  King  of  Hungary  was  restricted  by  the  consti- 
tution, as  expressed  in  the  coronation-oath,  from 
alienating  any  portion  of  the  kingdom.  But  even 
this  plea,  weak  as  it  is  under  such  circumstances,  is 
not  available ;  since  it  is  proved  that  this  article  was 
never  made  a  part  of  the  coronation-oath  until  the 
accession  of  Ferdinand  I.  in  1527. 

The  Austrian  minister  endeavoured  also  to  estab- 
lish the  right  of  his  mistress  to  Gallicia  and  Po- 
dolia,  as  Queen  of  Hungary,  and  the  dutchies  of 
Oswiecim  and  Zator,J  as  Queen  of  Bohemia :  "What 

*  See  "  Deduction  sur  I'Hypoth&jue  de  Zips,  1773." 

f  "  37,000  soixantaines  de  gros  de  Hohe'me."  This  sum  has  been  esti- 
mated from  between  206,360  to  209,440  Polish  ducats,  present  worth. 

i  See  "  Les  Droits  de  la  Couronne  de  Hongrie  sur  la  Russie-Rouge 
(Gallicia)  et  sur  la  Podolie  ainsi  que  de  la  Couronne  de  Boheme  sur  lea 
Duchcs  d'Oswiecim  et  Zator." 


226  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

lastly  establishes  indisputably  the  ancient  claim  of 
Hungary  to  the  provinces  in  question  is,  that  in 
several  seals  and  documents  of  the  ancient  kings 
of  Hungary  preserved  in  our  archives,  the  titles  and 
arms  of  Gallicia  are  always  used."  After  exhaust- 
ing the  records,*  and  stating  that  the  crown  of  Hun- 
gary has  never  in  any  way  renounced  its  rights  and 
pretensions,  the  author  modestly  winds  up  his  argu- 
ments in  the  following  way :  "  Consequently,  after  such 
a  long  delay,  the  house  of  Austria  is  well  authorized 
in  establishing  and  reclaiming  the  lawful  rights  and 
pretensions  of  her  crowns  of  Hungary  and  Bohe- 
mia, and  to  obtain  satisfaction  by  the  means  which 
she  now  employs ;  in  the  use  of  which  she  has  ex- 
hibited the  greatest  moderation  possible,  by  confining 
herself  to  a  very  moderate  equivalent  for  her  real 
pretensions  to  the  best  provinces  of  Poland,  such  as 
Podolia,  &c." 

Frederic  argues  his  cause  on  the  general  prin- 
ciples of  civil  law.f  "  Since,  then,"  he  says,  "  the 
crown  of  Poland  cannot  prove  express  cessions, 
which  are  the  only  good  titles  between  sovereigns 
to  confer  a  legitimate  possession  of  disputed  prov- 
inces, it  will  perhaps  have  recourse  to  prescription 
and  immemorial  possession.  We  all  know  the 
famous  dispute  among  the  learned  on  the  question 
of  prescription  and  natural  right,  whether  it  obtains 
between  sovereigns  and  free  nations.J  The  affirma- 
tive is  founded  only  on  that  very  weak  argument, 


*  The  involved  arguments  and  abstruse  researches  concerning  Gal- 
licia amount  to  very  little  more  than  the  statements, 

That  Mary,  the  eldest  daughter  of  Louis  (King  of  Poland  and  Hun- 
gary), whom  she  succeeded  in  Hungary,  tranquilly  possessed  Red  Russia 
(Gallicia);  and 

That  this  kingdom  was  seized  by  her  sister,  Hedwiga,  with  vio- 
lence. 

t  See  "  Les  Droits  de  sa  majesle  le  Roi  de  Prusse  comme  Marquis  de 
Brandeburg  sur  le  duche  de  Pomerillie  (Pomerania)  et  plusieurs  autres 
Districts  du  Royawne  de  Pologne,  avec  les  Pieces  Justificatives." 

t  Grotius,  Puffendorf,  Wolff,  &c.  have  supported  the  affirmative ; 
Pu  Puy,  Breuning,  &c.  the  negative. 


PRUSSIAN   RIGHTS.  227 

that  he  who  for  a  long  time  has  not  made  use  of  his 
rights  is  presumed  to  have  abandoned  them ;  a  pre- 
sumption which  is  at  best  doubtful,  and  cannot 
destroy  the  right  and  established  property  of  a 
monarch.  Besides,  even  this  presumption  altogether 
vanishes  when  the  superior  strength  of  a  usurper 
has  prevented  the  lawful  proprietor  from  claiming 
his  rights,  which  has  been  the  case  in  the  present 
instance.  Time  alone  cannot  render  a  possession 
just  which  has  not  been  so  from  its  origin;  and  as 
there  is  no  judge  between  free  nations,  no  one  can 
decide  if  the  time  past  is  sufficient  to  establish  pre- 
scription, or  if  the  presumption  of  the  desertion  (of 
rights)  is  sufficiently  proved.  But  even  leaving  this 
point  undetermined,  the  prescription  which  the  re- 
public of  Poland  could  allege  in  the  present  case 
has  not  any  of  the  qualities  which  the  advocates  of 
prescription  require,  to  render  it  valid  between  free 
states."*  We  do  not  imagine  that  our  readers 
will  coincide  with  Frederic  in  the  following  opinion: 
"  We  flatter  ourselves  that  when  the  impartial  public 
has  weighed  without  prejudice  all  that  has  just  been 
detailed  in  this  expose,  they  will  not  find  in  the  step 
which  his  majesty  has  taken  any  thing  which  is  not 
conformable  to  justice,  to  natural  right,  to  the  gene- 
ral use  of  nations,  and,  lastly,  to  the  example  which 
the  Poles  themselves  have  given  in  seizing  all  these 
countries  by  simple  matter  of  fact.f  We  trust  also 
that  the  Polish  nation  will  eventually  recover  from 
its  prejudices;  that  it  will  acknowledge  the  enor- 
mous injustice  which  it  has  done  to  the  house  of 
Brandeburg,  and  that  it  will  bring  itself  to  repair  it 
by  a  just  and  honourable  arrangement  with  which 

*  The  "  Expose"  refers  us  to  Grotius  de  Jure  Bell,  et  Pacis,  lib.  ii. 
c.  4,  &c. 

t  It  is  hardly  requisite  to  point  out  tne  strange  and  absurd  oversight 
which  the  learned  civilian  and  politician  has  committed  here.  Truth, 
however,  will  peep  out  in  spite  of  all  Frederic's  cunning.  Those  half 
dozen  words  obviate  the  necessity  of  a  formal  refutation. 


228  HISTORY   OF   POLAND. 

his  majesty  will  willingly  comply,  sincerely  wishing 
to  cultivate  the  friendship  and  good-fellowship  of 
this  illustrious  nation,  and  to  live  with  the  republic 
in  good  union  and  harmony."* 

We  have  thus  given  the  three  monarchs  liberty 
to  plead  for  themselves ;  and  no  one  can  rise  from 
the  perusal  of  their  "  Defences"  without  feeling  ad- 
ditional conviction  of  their  injustice,  and  resentment 
at  their  hypocrisy.  We  must  own  we  are  almost 
inclined  to  interpret  Frederic's  appeal  as  a  sneering 
parody  on  the  cant  of  diplomacy  in  general ;  but,  in 
whatever  light  it  he  viewed,  it  gives  additional  in- 
sight into  the  heart  and  head  of  that  military  despot 
and  disciple  of  Machiavelli.f 

Iniquity  almost  always  pays  virtue  the  compliment 
of  attempting  to  assume  her  semblance;  and  the 
three  wholesale  plunderers,  therefore,  Russia,  Aus- 
tria, and  Prussia,  determined  to  give  some  show  of 
justice  to  their  violent  seizure,  by  wringing  from 
their  victims  a  ratification  of  their  claims.  But 
"  the  children  of  this  world"  with  all  their  wisdom 
cannot  invariably  preserve  consistency,  and  cunning 
as  the  villain  may  sometimes  be,  he  will  at  some 
time  or  other  make  the  most  disgraceful  mistakes. 
By  requiring  further  ratification,  the  three  powers 

*  This  and  Frederic's  other  numerous  manifestoes  and  defences  are 
answered  by  Felix  Loyko  in  the  collection  of  pamphlets  before  quoted. 
He  does  not  forget  to  remind  Frederic  that  he  praises  the  honour  of 
his  father  for  refusing  to  seize  Polish  Prussia,  when  he  was  instigated 
by  France  to  do  so  in  1734,  replying  that  it  would  be  unjust. — See  Mi- 
moires  de  Brandeburg. 

I  Frederic's  character  is  even  yet  more  deeply  implicated,  if  the  fol- 
lowing statement  is  correct ;  and  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt  it.  "  I  can 
positively  assure  you,  that  a  member  of  the  diet,  who  had  reluctantly 
signed  the  constitution  which  rejected  the  demands  of  the  dissidents, 


„  ng  c     

The  bishop,  laying  his  hand  gently  on  the  member's  shoulder,  answered, 
'  Be  persuaded,  sir,  I  should  not  have  counselled  you  to  this  step  if  I 
had  not  the  most  positive  assurances  from  the  King'  of  Prussia  that  he 
would  be  harmless  iu  it.' "  The  author  states  that  this  passed  in  his 
hearing.— See  Lintfs  Letters,  let.  ii. 


EXECUTION   OF   THE   PLOT.  229 

admitted  that  their  anterior  claims  were  not  well 
founded ;  and  common  sense  ought  to  have  told  them, 
that  if  the  former  claims  were  not  just,  the  latter, 
depending-  on  the  same  title,  were  rendered  still  less 
so  by  aggravated  violence.  Every  show  of  justice 
in  a  villanous  action  rises  up  in -sterner  judgment 
against  the  perpetrator,  inasmuch  as"  it  evinces  de- 
sign, and  makes  him  responsible  for  the  motive. 
These  remarks  might  be  applied  to  Catharine,  Fred- 
eric, Maria  Theresa,  or  Joseph ;  for  though  they 
may  shield  themselves  from  personal  accusation  by 
acting  under  the  vague  titles  of  powers,  states,  or 
governments,  the  evasion  is  mean  and  cowardly; 
for  particularly  in  such  despotic  governments  as 
theirs  the  passions  and  wills  of  the  rulers  are  the 
directors  of  every  political  scheme.* 

The  three  powers  fixed  on  the  19th  of  April,  1773, 
for  the  opening  of  a  diet  at  Warsaw  to  ratify  their 
claims.  Their  troops  were  in  possession  of  all  Po- 
land ;  the  capital  in  particular  was  strongly  invested; 
and  Rewiski,  Benoit,  and  Stakelberg,  the  Austrian, 
Prussian,  and  Russian  ministers,  were  on  the  spot  to 
overrule  and  direct  all  the  debates.  They  declared' 
that  every  deputy  who  opposed  their  proposals  should 
be  treated  as  an  enemy  of  his  country,  and  of  the 
three  powers.  Frederic  himself  states,  in  his  de- 
scription of  this  transaction,  that  the  deputies  were 
informed  if  they  continued  refractory  that  the  whole 
kingdom  would  be  dismembered ;  but,  on  the  contrary, 
that  if  they  were  submissive  the  foreign  troops 
would  evacuate  by  degrees  the  territory  they  in- 
tended to  leave  to  the  republic.  The  diet  was  to  be 
confederated,  that  the  Poles  might  be  deprived  of 
their  last  resource,  the  liberum  veto. 

*  Segur  says,  and  it  has  been  said  a  hundred  times  before,  that  "  We 
may  solve  nearly  all  the  enigmas  of  politics  by  first  studying  both  the 
good  and  bad  qualities  of  those  who  direct  them;  for  the  passions  and 
weaknesses  of  governors  always  have  more  influence  on  events  than 
the  interests  of  the  governed."—  Decade  Historique  nu  Tableau  Politiqu* 
<U  VEuropc  depuis  1786-1796,  par  M.  Le  Comte  de  Segur. 


230  HISTORY   OF    POLAND.  f 

Some  few  patriots  still  raised  their  voices,  even 
in  the  midst  of  the  united  armies  of  Russia,  Austria, 
and  Prussia ;  and  among  these  Reyten  was  the  most 
distinguished.  He  was  a  Lithuanian  by  descent, 
had  acted  a  good  part  in  the  confederacy  of  Bar,  and 
had  earned  a  character  which  made  the  electors  of 
Nowogrodek  select  him  for  their  representative  in 
the  present  memorable  diet.  His  colleague  was 
Samuel  Korsak,  a  worthy  coadjutor,  who  did  not 
turn  a  deaf  ear  to  his  father's  parting  words :  "  My 
son,  I  send  you  to  Warsaw  accompanied  by  my  old- 
est domestics ;  I  charge  them  to  bring  me  your  head, 
if  you  do  not  oppose  with  all  your  might  what  is 
now  plotting  against  your  country." 

Poninski,  a  creature  of  the  allied  powers,  was  the 
marshal  of  the  diet,  appointed  by  the  intervention 
of  the  ambassadors ;  and  when  the  session  opened, 
one  of  the  deputies  nominated  him,  and  he  was  im- 
mediately proceeding  to  take  the  seat,  without  wait- 
ing for  the  election,  but  several  members  rose  to 
protest  against  this  breach  of  privilege,  and  Reyten 
exclaimed,  "  Gentlemen,  the  marshal  cannot  be  thus 
self-appointed;  the  whole  assembly  must  choose 
him ;  I  protest  against  the  nomination  of  Poninski : 
name  him  who  is  to  be  your  president."  Some 
voices  instantly  shouted,  "  Long  live  the  true  son 
of  his  country,  Marshal  Reyten."  Poninski  retired, 
adjourning  the  session  to  the  next  day. 

On  the  following  morning  Poninski  again  made 
his  appearance,  merely  to  postpone  the  assembly 
one  day  more.  When  this  period  arrived,  he  went 
to  the  hall  with  a  guard  of  foreign  soldiers,  to  sta- 
tion some  of  his  faction  at  the  doors,  and  to  prevent 
the  entrance  of  the  public.  Reyten,  Corsak,  and 
their  little  band  of  patriots  were  soon  at  their  posts, 
when  Reyten,  perceiving  that  the  people  were  not  al- 
lowed to  enter,  exclaimed,  "  Gentlemen,  follow  me. 
Poninski  shall  not  be  marshal  of  the  diet  to-day, if  I 
live !"  It  was  already  twelve  o'clock,  and  Poiiinski 


A   TRUE   PATRIOT.  231 

did  not  appear,  but  a  messenger  arrived  to  state  that 
he  adjourned  the  meeting.  "  We  do  not  acknow- 
ledge Poninski  for  marshal,"  replied  Reyten;  and 
seeing  many  of  the  members  about  to  retire,  he 
placed  himself  before  the  door  with  his  arms  crossed, 
and  attempted  to  stop  the  deserters.  But  his  exer- 
tions proving  useless,  he  threw  himself  along  the 
doorway,  exclaiming,  with  a  wearied  but  determined 
voice,  "Go,  go,  and  seal  your  own  eternal  ruin, 
but  first  trample  on  the  breast  which  will  only  beat 
for  honour  and  liberty !"  There  were  now  only  fif- 
teen members  in  the  hall,  and  of  these  but  six  perse- 
vered in  their  patriotic  determination ;  namely,  Rey- 
ten, Korsak,  Durin,  Terzmanowski,  Kozuchowski, 
and  Penczkowski.  At  ten  a  message  arrived  from  the 
Russian  ambassador,  inviting  the  noncontent  depu- 
ties to  a  conference  at  his  house.  Four  of  them, 
among  whom  was  Korsak,  accordingly  went;  and 
Stackelberg  at  first  addressed  them  mildly,  but  find- 
ing them  resolute,  began  to  threaten  them  with  con- 
fiscation of  their  estates.  On  this  Korsak  rose,  and 
declared,  since  they  wished  to  seize  his  possessions, 
which  were  already,  however,  mostly  plundered  by 
the  Russian  armies,  there  was  no  occasion  for  so 
many  preliminaries ;  and  he  actually  put  into  his 
hand  a  list  of  all  his  property,  adding,  "  This  is  all  I 
have  to  sacrifice  to  the  avarice  of  the  enemies  of  my 
country.  I  know  that  they  can  also  dispose  of  my 
life ;  but  I  do  not  know  any  despot  on  earth  rich 
enough  to  corrupt  or  powerful  enough  to  intimidate 
me." 

Reyten  remained  still  at  his  post,  and  the  four 
patriots  on  returning  found  the  doors  closed,  and  lay 
down  without  for  the  night.  On  the  following  day 
the  ministers  of  the  three  powers  repaired  to  the 
king's  palace,  and  Stackelberg  threatened  him  with 
the  immediate  destruction  of  his  capital,  unless  he 
gave  his  sanction  to  the  forced  confederation.  Stan- 
islas demanded  the  advice  of  his  council,  but  re- 


233  HISTORY  OF   POLAND. 

ceived  no  reply;  and  taking  their  silence  for  an 
assent,  and  not  knowing  how  to  evade  a  direct  an- 
swer, he  yielded  to  the  ministers'  demands.  The 
corrupt  diet  held  their  assembly  without  the  hall, 
because  Reyten  was  still  at  his  post  ;  —  such  was 
their  dread  of  even  one  patriotic  individual.  On 
the  23d  of  April,  when  Poninski  and  the  confederates 
entered,  they  found  Reyten  stretched  senseless  on 
the  floor,  in  which  state  he  must  have  lain  thirty-six 
hours.  Such  was  the  determination  with  which  he 
resisted  the  oppression  of  his  country ;  and  so  en- 
tirely were  all  the  energies  of  his  mind  devoted  to 
the  cause,  that  when  he  learned  its  fall,  he  lost  his 
reason.* 

The  allies  began  to  redouble  their  threats,  and 
signified  to  the  deputies  their  intention  of  portioning 
out  the  whole  of  the  kingdom,  if  any  more  opposition 
were  offered;  but,  notwithstanding,  the  diet  con- 
tinued stormy,  and  many  bold  speeches  were  made. 
Of  all  situations  the  king's  must  have  been  the  most 
perplexing  and  irksome ;  but  no  person  was  better 
adapted  to  act  such  a  part  than  Stanislas.  He  made 
the  most  pathetic  appeals  to  his  subjects,  and  fre- 
quently spoke  in  a  strain  more  fit  for  an  unfortunate 
but  patriotic  hero,  than  for  one  who  had  done  nothing 
but  affect  a  few  tears  (for  we  can  hardly  doubt  that 
they  were  hypocritical)  over  the  misfortunes  which 
he  had  brought  on  his  country.  The  following  sen- 
tence must  have  sounded  strangely  in  his  mouth : 


*  When  Poninski  informed  Reyten  that  the  ministers  had  conde- 
scended to  set  aside  the  sentence  of  outlawry  against  him,  and  besides 
offered  him  2000  ducats  to  defray  his  travelling  expenses  to  whatever 
country  he  chose  to  retire,  the  stanch  constitutionalist  answered,  "  I 
nsve  with  me  5000  ducats ;  I  make  you  an  offer  of  them,  provided  you 
will  resign  the  marshal's  staff,  and  with  it  corruption  and  dishonour." 
One  of  the  Prussian  generals  who  was  present,  struck  with  the  disin- 
terestedness of  the  patriot,  exclaimed,  Opfime  vir,  gratulor  tibi :  optime 
rem  tuarn  egisti.  This  truly  great  man,  in  one  of  his  violent  fits  of  in- 
sanity, brought  on  by  distress  at  the  fate  of  his  country,  one  day  seized 
a  glass  from  which  he  had  been  drinking,  broke  it  to  pieces  with  hia 
teeth,  and  swallowing  the  fragments,  expired  on  the  8th  of  August,  1780. 


THE    DIET   APPOINT    COMMISSIONERS.  233 

'*  Fecimus  quce  potuimus,  omnia  tentavimus,  nihil 
omistmus."*  Again,  on  the  10th  of  May  he  abso- 
lutely had  the  audacity  to  defend  his  political  con- 
duct, stating,  that  "  He  had  always  done  his  duty 
whenever  any  business  depended  on  him."t 

On  the  17th  of  May  the  diet  agreed  to  Poninski's 
motion,  to  appoint  a  commission  that,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  three  ambassadors,  should  regulate  the  . 
limits  of  the  four  countries,  and  determine  upon  the 
changes  in  the  Polish  government.  On  the  18th  the 
commissioners  were  nominated  by  the  king  and 
Poninski. 

Some  small  remains  of  liberty  lingered  even  among 
the  commissioners,  and  called  for  fresh  threats  and 
violence  from  the  allied  powers.  At  length  they 
agreed  to  ratify  the  treaty  of  the  5th  of  August,  and 
establish  a  permanent  council,  in  whom  the  execu- 
tive power  was  to  be  vested.  This  council  consisted 
of  forty  members,  and  was  divided  into  four  depart- 
ments, which  engrossed  every  branch  of  adminis- 
tration. The  king  was  the  nominal  president,  but 
the  real  authority  was  possessed  by  the  Russian 
ambassador. 

The  partition  was  not  fully  arranged  till  1774,  and 
then  Prussia  and  Austria  began  to  extend  their 
bounds  beyond  the  agreed  limits.  Dappetit  vient 
en  mangeant,  and  these  encroachments  were  a  sad 
augury  of  future  partitions  to  the  Poles. 

The  indifference  with  which  other  states  regarded 
this  partition  was  indeed  surprising.  France,  in 
particular,  might  have  been  expected  to  protest 
against  it ;  but  the  imbecility  and  dotage  of  Louis 
XV.,  and  the  weakness  of  his  minister,  paid  too  little 
attention  to  the  interests  of  their  own  nation  to  be 
likely  to  think  of  others.  They  made  the  most  frivo- 
lous excuses,  and  even  had  the  meanness  to  attempt 
to  shift  the  blame  on  the  shoulders  of  their  ambas- 

*  Discours  du  Roi,  prononc£  d  la  Di<he  le  5  Mai,  1773. 
f  Discours  du  Roi  a  la  Di<ke,  10  &lai,  1773. 

U2 


234  HISTORY    OF    POLAND.  <• 

sador  at  Vienna,  pretending  that  he  amused  himself 
with  hunting,  instead  of  politics,  and  had  no  know- 
ledge of  the  design  of  partition  until  it  was  consum- 
mated. Louis  contented  himself  with  saying,  with 
an  affectation  of  rage,  "  It  would  not  have  happened 
if  Choiseul  had  been  here !"  Some  few  patriots  in 
England  declaimed  on  the  injustice  of  the  proceed- 
ing ;  but  the  spirit  of  the  ministry,  which  was  occu- 
pied in  wrangling  with  the  American  colonies  about 
the  imposition  of  taxes,  was  not  likely  to  be  very 
attentive  to  the  cries  of  oppressed  liberty. 

The  partition  is  not  one  of  those  equivocal  acts 
which  seem  to  vibrate  between  right  and  wrong, 
justice  and  injustice,  and  demand  the  most  accurate 
analysis  to  ascertain  on  which  side  they  prepon- 
derate. Argument  is  thrown  away  on  such  a  sub- 
ject ;  for  to  doubt  about  the  nature  of  a  plain  deci- 
sive act  like  this,  must  necessarily  proceed  from 
something  even  worse  than  uncertainty  and  skepti- 
cism concerning  the  simple  fundamental  princi  js 
of  moial  action.  A  little  reflection,  however,  <vill 
not  be  lost  on  so  memorable  a  portion  of  history, 
which  opens  a  wider  field  for  instruction  than  the 
"  thousand  homilies"  on  the  ambition,  and  glory,  and 
other  commonplaces  of  Greek  and  Roman  history. 
Such  great  political  crimes  reveal  a  corresponding 
system  of  motives  of  as  black  a  hue,  and  even  the 
narrowest  experience  teaches  us  that  motives  are 
never  so  well  traced  as  in  their  results.  The  cor- 
rupt principle  which  prompts  injustice  and  deceit  in 
foreign  transactions  would  operate  equally  in  do- 
mestic affairs ;  and  the  minister  who  uses  hypocrisy 
and  falsehood  in  manifestoes  and  treaties  would  not 
scruple  to  do  the  same  in  matters  of  private  life. 
An  implicit  confidence  in  enemies  like  these  was 
one  of  the  amiable  "  crimes"  for  which  "  Sarmatia 
fell  unwept." 


STATE    OF    POLAND.  235 


CHAPTER  X. 

8t«tfe  of  Poland— Stanislas  proposes  a  Reform— Diet  of  1788,  or  Con- 
stitutional Diet— Alliance  with  Prussia— Constitution  of  the  3d  of 
May— Irresolution  of  Stanislas — Treachery  of  Frederic  William — 
Opposition  of  Russia  to  the  Polish  Reform— Confederacy  of  Targowica 
Frederic  William's  Letter  to  Stanislas— The  Russians  enter  Poland 
— Irresolution  of  Stanislas — The  Prussians  enter  Poland — Frederic's 
Manifesto — Opposition  of  the  Confederates  to  Russia  overcome—- 
Frederic's Claims — Tyranny  of  Sievers — Concession  of  the  Diet — 
Second  Partition. 

THE  adverse  fate  of  the  confederacy  of  Bar  had 
exhausted  most  of  Poland's  best  blood,  and  the  gall- 
ing Russian  yoke  had  broken  her  few  choice  sur- 
viving spirits ;  so  that  this  once  proud  and  gallant 
nation  was  bent  as  supinely  and  submissively  to  its 
despots  as  if  their  domination  had  been  founded  on 
the  rock  of  ages.  But  the  free  spirit  of  inquiry, 
which  had  gone  forth  during  the  latter  part  of  the 
last  reign,  could  not  be  confined  by  Russian  chains, 
and  it  soon  roused  many  minds  from  their  disgrace- 
ful lethargy.  The  exertions  of  Konarski  had  long 
weakened  the  influence  of  the  Jesuits,  and  even  the 
few  remains  of  conventual  superstition  were  swept 
away,  in  1773,  by  Pope  Clement's  famous  bull,  which 
pronounced  the  suppression  of  that  powerful  order. 
The  same  diet  which  had  sealed  the  fatal  treaty  of 
partition  had  appropriated  the  revenues  of  the  Jesuits 
to  the  purpose  of  national  education,  and  at  the  same 
time  established  a  commission  to  superintend  this 
important  work.  This  excellent  institution  served 
to  counteract  the  demoralizing  effects  of  foreign 
subjugation;  the  "medicine 'of  the  mind"  was  uni- 
versally administered;  the  national  literature  was 
strenuously  cultivated;  every  young  Pole  now 
studied  the  history  of  his  country;  and  the  pre- 


S36  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

ceptor  finished  his  lectures  on  the  story  of  patriotism, 
with  the  stirring  monition,  "  Go  thou  and  do  like- 
wise !" 

All  these  causes  pressed  forward  the  Poles  in  that 
march  of  improvement  which  it  is  now  our  pleasing 
office  to  record.  In  the  diet  of  1776  the  king  him- 
self urged  the  necessity  of  revising  the  constitution; 
and  proposed  Zamoyski,  the  patriotic  chancellor, 
whose  memorable  resignation,  in  1767,  was  yet  fresh 
in  their  memory,  as  the  proper  person  to  undertake 
the  task.  The  proposal  was  received  with  universal 
applause,  and  Zamoyski  laid  his  new  code  before  the 
diet  in  1780.  He  recommended  the  abolition  of  those 
two  fatal  privileges,  the  liberum  veto,  and  election  of 
the  monarch ;  another  equally  important  scheme 
was  the  emancipation  of  the  serfs;  the  trading  classes 
also  were  to  be  raised  to  a  share  in  the  government, 
by  having  the  right  of  electing  deputies  for  the  diet; 
commerce  was  to  be  encouraged ;  and,  in  short,  Poland 
was  to  overtake  the  other  states  of  Europe  in  civiliza- 
tion. Zamoyski  had  himself  set  the  example  of 
emancipating  his  serfs  on  his  lands  in  Biezun,  thus 
giving  them  an  interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  country. 
He  was  imitated  by  the  king's  nephew,  Stanislas 
Poniatowski,  and  other  nobles;  but  the  generality 
of  the  Polish  nobility  were  more  short-sighted  to 
their  real  advantage,  and  Russian  policy  backed 
them  in  their  opposition  to  this  liberal  and  politic 
design ;  so  that  not  only  was  the  new  constitution 
rejected  in  the  diet  of  1780,  but  Zamoyski  was  pro- 
nounced by  most  of  the  voices  a  traitor  to  his  coun- 
try. This  attempt,  though  unsuccessful,  was  not 
without  its  good  effects. 

The  king  still  cherished  the  scheme,  but  fearing 
the  interference  of  Russia,  he  obtained  from  Catha- 
rine, with  whom  he  had  an  interview  in  her  progress 
to  the  Crimea  in  May,  1787,  a  solemn  promise  that 
she  would  not  make  his  proposed  changes  the  plea 
for  another  invasion.  The  Emperor  of  Austria,  who 


POLICY    OF    PRUSSIA.  237 

also  visited  Catharine,  made  him  a  similar  assurance. 
In  August  of  the  same  year  war  breaking  out  between 
Russia  and  Turkey,  Catharine  suggested  an  offensive 
and  defensive  alliance  with  Poland.  This  offer  was 
referred  to  the  diet  of  the  next  year. 

In  the  mean  time  Frederic  William,  successor 
of  his  uncle  Frederic  the  Great,  was  plotting  with 
England,  Holland,  and  Sweden,  against  Russia  and 
Austria,  and  pretended  to  the  Poles  that  he  attached 
much  importance  to  their  friendship.  As  an  induce- 
ment to  detach  them  from  Russia,  he,  so  far  from 
opposing  the  change  in  the  constitution,  gave  it  his 
full  approval.  The  diet  was  convoked  for  the  30th 
of  September,  1788,  and  was  confederated,  which 
emancipated  it  from  the  shackles  of  the  liberumveto; 
and  on  the  12th  of  October  the  Prussian  minister 
presented  to  the  diet  a  memorial  protesting  against 
the  league  with  Russia  against  Turkey,  and  offered 
the  alliance  of  Prussia  in  its  room.  The  diet  returned 
for  answer,  that  they  had  no  intention  of  entering 
into  any  offensive  alliance  with  Russia. 

The  diet  at  the  same  time  proceeded  in  their  work 
of  independence ;  they  decreed  the  increase  of  the 
army  to  100,000  men,  and  established  a  commission 
of  war,  which  was  to  be  entirely  independent  of  the 
king  or  the  council.  They  also  demanded  that  the 
Russian  troops  should  immediately  evacuate  the 
kingdom.  This  called  forth  a  protest  from  the  Rus- 
sian minister,  stating,  that  "he  must  regard  the 
least  change  in  the  constitution  of  1775  as  a  violation 
of  the  treaties."  The  Prussian  ambassador,  on  the 
contrary,  assured  them,  that  his  master  would  not 
interfere  in  any  of  their  arrangements,  or  control 
their  deliberations.  The  ordinary  duration  of  the 
diet  was  now  almost  expired,  and  they  decreed  to 
prolong  it  indefinitely;  an  innovation  which  gave  the 
Russians  fresh  umbrage. 

The  Poles  were  for  some  time  wavering  between 
Russia  and  Prussia.  On  one  side  it  was  urged,  that 


238  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

it  was  folly  to  set  the  former  at  open  defiance,  while 
they  were  so  entirely  at  her  mercy,  and  that  "  with 
the  protection  of  Russia  they  could  reform  their  con- 
stitution, and  render  their  political  existence  firmer, 
and,  perhaps,  recover  one-third  of  the  possessions 
which  they  had  lost."  On  the  other  hand,  the  oppo- 
site party  argued  the  advantages  of  the  Prussian 
alliance,  at  once  ensuring  a  new  constitution  and 
protection  from  Russia.  Credulity  has  ever  been  a 
Polish  weakness ;  and  none  but  a  Pole  would  have 
thought  of  Russian  restitution,  or  have  trusted  to  the 
protection  of  Frederic  William.  It  is  amusing  to 
hear  how  seriously  the  Poles  talk  of  the  importance 
of  their  alliance.  "All  these  powers,"  says  Count 
Oginski,*  speaking  of  Prussia  and  her  allies,  "  which 
agreed  in  principles,  found  that  it  was  necessary  to 
comprehend  Poland  in  this  new  league,"  &c.  No 
doubt  Poland  would  have  served  for  "  a  barrier  to 
the  ambition  of  Russia,"  that  is,  might  have  received 
for  a  short  time  the  blows  intended  for  Prussia,  as  a 
reward  for  its  fidelity  to  Frederic  William.  This 
king's  aim  had  long  been  to  obtain  possession  of 
Thorn  and  Dantzig,  that  the  commerce  of  the 
Vistula  might  be  entirely  at  his  mercy.  Aware, 
however,  that  the  Poles  would  not  willingly  part 
with  these  towns,  he  ordered  his  ambassador,  Luc- 
chesini,  to  hint  his  wish,  but  to  state  also  that  he 
did  not  make  it  an  essential  article  of  the  treaty. 
Other  reasons  biassed  the  Poles  against  Russia. 
She  of  the  three  dividing  states  was  the  most  hateful 
to  Poland ;  her  ministers  still  domineered  there,  her 
troops  still  plundered  and  insulted  the  inhabitants, 
while  the  Prussians  had  left  them  without  rankling 
the  wounds  they  had  made.  The  Prussian  ambas- 
sador at  Warsaw  further  inflamed  this  hostile  feel- 
ing, by  affecting  to  tell,  as  a  confidential  communi- 
cation, "  That  Russia  had  proposed  to  the  King  of 

*  Vol.  i.  p.  29. 


ALLIANCE    WITH   PRUSSIA.  239 

Poland  to  put  him  in  possession  of  Great  Poland  if 
he  would  remain  neuter  in  the  war  against  the 
Turks."  The  lie  passed  from  mouth  to  mouth  with 
full  belief;  the  alliance  with  Prussia  was  decreed  by 
the  diet  on  the  15th  of  March,  1790,  and  the  treaty 
of  commerce  was  the  next  subject  of  debate. 

Now  that  Frederic  William  had  enticed  the  Poles 
to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  Russia,  which  they  would 
hardly  have  dared  to  do  had  they  not  depended  on 
his  sanction  and  that  of  his  allies,  his  end  was 
answered.  He  began  to  talk  more  decidedly  about 
the  cession  of  Thorn  and  Dantzig.  He  knew  the 
Poles  had  gone  too  far  to  retract  and  make  their 
peace  with  Russia ;  and  that  in  case  of  a  termination 
of  the  Turkish  war,  Catharine  would  punish  their 
revolt  by  further  confiscation,  in  which  case  Frederic 
must  have  a  pretext  for  seizing  these  two  towns. 
He  says  in  his  letter  to  Stanislas,  dated  the^  llth  of 
August,  1790,  "  I  have  no  objection  to  a  discussion 
of  the  existing  treaty  of  commerce,  or  the  conclusion 
of  a  new  one,  foreseeing  with  certainty  that  it  will  be 
acknowledged  that  the  proposal  which  1  have  made 
(the  cession  of  Thorn  and  Dantzig)  to  compensate 
me  for  a  considerable  loss  of  my  customs,  is  and 
always  will  be  the  only  just  and  practicable  way  to 
render  the  commerce  of  the  Polish  nation  as  flourish- 
ing as  possible,"  &c.  The  Poles  were  naturally 
averse  to  yield  the  commerce  of  the  Vistula  entirely 
into  .the  hands  of  Prussia;  and  instructed  their 
ambassadors  to  the  various  courts  in  alliance  with 
Prussia  to  endeavour  to  set  aside  the  demand.  All 
these  attempts  were  useless;*  Dantzig  and  Thorn 

*  Pitt,  the  English  minister,  expressed  himself  very  decidedly  on  this 
point  to  Count  Oginski,  the  Polish  ambassador.  "  What  advantage,"  he 
said  to  that  nobleman,  "  do  you  derive  from  these  two  outlets  for  your 
productions  in  the  state  of  weakness  in  which  you  are  at  present  groan- 
ing under  the  protection  of  the  court  of  Petersburg  ?  The  King  of 
Prussia,  in  offering  you  his  friendship  and  a  treaty  of  alliance,  presents 
you  with  the  means  of  escaping  from  this  abject  state,  and  that  alone 
would  be  worth  the  expense  of  making  the  few  sacrifices  the>  require 


240  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

must  be  the  price  of  the  commercial  treaty.*  Not- 
withstanding  the  Poles  felt  this,  the  diet  in  the  early 
part  of  1791  decreed  that  no  portion  of  the  states  of 
the  republic  was  ever  to  be  alienated.  They  thus 
deprived  themselves  even  of  the  show  of  protection 
from  Prussia,  and  undertook  to  make  all  these  pro- 
posed changes  entirely  on  their  own  responsibility.  ' 

The  diet,  however,  proceeded  boldly  in  their  work 
of  reform.  In  April,  1791,  the  towns  were  admitted 
to  the  elective  franchise  ;  the  absurd  authority  of  the 
dietines  was  abolished,  excepting  when  in  a  change 
of  the  civil  or  criminal  laws  ;  the  liberum  veto  was 
abrogated,  unanimity  in  the  diets  being  no  longer 
required,  but  a  plurality  of  votes  was  decreed  suffi- 
cient in  general  matters,  while,  for  declarations  of 
war,  treaties,  &c.  three-fourths  of  the  votes  were 
requisite,  and  for  taxes,  &c.  two-thirds.  But  the 
3d  of  IVtay  was  the  grand  day  which  was  to  give 
birth  to  the  new  constitution.  The  articles  had  been 
long  in  preparation,  and  the  king  now  expressed  his 
full  sanction  of  the  measure.  The  reformers  were 
well  aware  that  there  still  remained  some  enemies  to 
the  proposed  change ;  and  though  the  5th  of  May  was 
the  day  proposed,  they  altered  it  to  the  3d,  that  they 
might  anticipate  any  coalition  of  the  opponents. 

On  the  grand  day  thousands  of  spectators  thronged 
the  royal  castle  of  Warsaw,  where  the  diets  are  held, 
to  witness  the  fine  spectacle  of  a  nation  throwing  off 
the  trammels  of  an  antiquated  and  absurd  legislature. 
After  the  patriotic  Marshal  Malachowski  had  ad- 
dressed the  assembly  in  terms  appropriate  to  the 
solemnity  of  the  occasion,  he  proposed  that  the  report 
of  the  commission  for  foreign  affairs  should  be  read. 

of  you,  and  which  the  court  of  Berlin  proposes  to  you  as  the  condition 
of  entering  into  a  treaty  of  commerce  with  Poland."— Memoires  de 
Michel  Oginski,  torn.  i. 

*  Segur  says,  that  after  the  convention  of  Reichenbach,  "  Frederic 
William  spoke  no  more  of  Dantzig  and  Thorn,"  vol.  i.  p.  296.  He  must 
mean  as  a  compensation  for  th<3  possessions  which  Austria  was  to  retain 
by  the  treaty  with  Turkey. 


CHANGE   IN   THE   CONSTITUTION.  241 

The  object  was  to  display  the  sinister  designs  of 
Russia,  and  the  consequent  necessity  of  using  the 
most  enlightened  policy  to  counteract  them.  When 
this  startling  document  had  been  gone  through,  Po- 
tocki  called  on  the  king,  as  the  only  person  who  was 
unfettered  by  party  jealousy,  to  devise  the  most  effi- 
cacious means  to  save  the  country. 

Stanislas  rose,  and  declared  that  the  only  mode  to 
preserve  the  kingdom  from  the  dangers  to  which  the 
abuses  of  its  legislature  had  exposed  it  was  by  abol- 
ishing all  those  abuses,  and  establishing  immediately 
a  new  and  solid  constitution.  He  added,  that,  having 
been  convinced  of  this  a  long  time,  he  had  prepared 
a  plan  which  he  would  submit  to  the  assembly. 

The  new  constitution  called  forth  some  passionate 
invectives  from  the  opposition  members,  but  the  re- 
formers far  outnumbered  their  opponents,  and  Zabi- 
ello,  a  Livonian  deputy,  called  on  the  king  and  the 
diet  to  take  an  oath  of  adherence  to  the  constitution 
immediately.  The  proposal  was  received  with  shouts 
of  applause  ;  the  king  ordered  the  bishop  of  Cracow 
to  administer  the  oath  to  him,  and  afterward  added, 
"  1  have  sworn,  and  I  will  never  swerve  from  it.  I 
call  on  all  those  who  love  their  country  to  follow  me 
to  the  church  to  take  the  same  oath."  He  then  pro- 
ceeded to  the  cathedral,  followed  by  all  the  diet  except 
twelve  members ;  and  all  the  bishops,  ministers, 
senators,  and  deputies  repeated  the  solemn  oath  to 
support  the  constitution. 

The  principal  articles  were  as  follows : 

The  Catholic  religion  was  to  remain  that  of  the 
state ;  all  other  sects  were  tolerated,  but  the  king  was 
to  be  a  Roman  Catholic. 

The  eligibility  of  the  throne  was  abolished,  and 
the  family  of  Saxony  was  to  be  called  to  the  succes 
sion  on  the  death  of  Stanislas.  The  executive  power 
was  intrusted  to  the  king  and  his  council  composed 
of  six  ministers,  who  could  be  deprived  of  their  office 
by  a  majority  in  the  diet.  While  the  diets  were  not 

A 


242  HISTORY  OF  POLAND. 

sitting1,  the  king  was  to  have  the  power  of  making- 
treaties,  &c.  The  regulations  of  the  18th  of  April 
concerning  the  deputies  of  the  citizens  were  con- 
firmed. The  liberum  veto  and  all  confederacies  were 
abolished  entirely,  and  it  was  agreed  that  a  revision 
of  the  constitution  was  to  take  place  every  twenty- 
fifth  year. 

Congratulations  poured  in  upon  Stanislas  from 
almost  all  the  courts  of  Europe ;  and  even  the  pope 
was  among  the  number  of  congratulators.  The  po- 
liticians in  England  were  enthusiastic  in  their  admira- 
tion of  the  new  constitution.  "  It  is  a  work,"  said 
Fox,  "  in  which  every  friend  to  reasonable  liberty 
must  be  sincerely  interested."  "Humanity,"  ex- 
claimed Burke,  "must  rejoice  and  glory  when  it 
considers  the  change  in  Poland !"  Frederic  William 
testified  his  approbation  of  the  proceeding  in  his 
letter  to  the  king,  dated  the  23d  of  May.  Among 
other  things,  he  says,  "I  congratulate  myself  on 
having  had  it  in  my  power  to  contribute  to  maintain 
the  liberty  and  independence  of  the  Polish  nation, 
and  one  of  my  most  pleasing  cares  will  be  to  support 
and  draw  closer  the  bond  which  unites  us." 

Notwithstanding  the  ardour  of  Stanislas  in  the 
work  of  reform,  those  who  were  acquainted  with  his 
character  felt  the  greatest  apprehensions  about  his 
determination.  He  burst  into  tears  one  day,  on 
hearing  that  such  fears  existed,  and  assured  his  au- 
ditors "that  those  persons  were  much  mistaken 
about  him;  that  he  had  always  been  unfortunate, 
but  never  guilty  towards  the  nation ;  that  his  conduct 
would  belie  the  bad  opinion  entertained  of  him,  and 
that  no  human  force  could  shake  the  sentiments  he 
professed,  and  would  manifest,  in  exposing  his  life, 
if  it  were  necessary,  to  support  the  constitution,  and 
consolidate  the  happiness  of  Poland." 

Although  Frederic  William  joined  the  other  princes 
in  congratulations  to  Stanislas,  on  his  important 
reform  in  the  constitution,  his  heart  did  not  go  with 


TREATY   OF   REICHENBACH.  243 

them.  His  politics  were  undergoing  a  complete 
change;  and  his  mind,  naturally  tortuous,  readily 
glided  through  the  ever-winding  paths  of  events 
which  sprung  up  at  this  time  in  such  confusion.  The 
death  of  the  emperor  Joseph,  in  January,  1790,  was 
one  of  these  important  circumstances.  His  suc- 
cessor, Leopold,  found  his  throne  tottering  to  the 
very  foundation,  and  gladly  availed  himself  of  Frede- 
ric's hatred  to  exertion,  to  avert  a  Prussian  inroad, 
and  obtain  peace.*  A  treaty  was  concluded  between 
the  two  powers  at  Reichenbach,  on  the  27th  of  July, 
1790,  including  Turkey.  This  treaty  had  the  most 
important  influence  on  the  politics  of  Europe  gene- 
rally; and  Poland,  being  almost  the  focus  for  the 
intrigues  of  the  three  adjacent  courts,  experienced 
their  effects  in  the  highest  degree.  Russia,  aban- 
doned by  Austria,  found  it  expedient  to  make  peace, 
which  she  did  with  Sweden,  within  eighteen  days 
after  the  convention  of  Reichenbach.  Although  the 
sultan  had  one  enemy  the  less,  he  also  was  inclined 
to  a  cessation  of  war,  since  at  best  he  could  only  aim 
at  making  the  least  disadvantageous  peace:  this 
seemed  the  critical  moment,  before  Russia  recovered 
from  her  alarm ;  and  the  treaty  was  concluded  be- 
tween Catharine  and  the  Porte,  at  Jassy,  on  the  4th 
of  August,  1791.  Russia  was  thus  set  at  liberty  to 
turn  her  attention  to  Poland,  almost  at  the  very  crisis 
when  Frederic  had  grown  less  than  lukewarm  in  their 
cause,  and  Leopold  had  not  had  time  to  forget  that  it 
had  been  allied  against  him.  The  French  revolution, 
too,  which  burst  out  about  this  time,  had  the  highest 
influence  on  the  fate  of  Poland :  dangers  drew  the 
monarchs  of  Europe  more  closely  together,  and  they 
now  more  than  ever  dreaded  the  name  of  reform. 
The  prudence  and  uprightness  of  Leopold,  however, 
acted  for  some  time  as  a  check  to  Frederic  William's 
versatility  and  treachery :  but  this  was  removed  by 

*  The  motives  which  changed  Frederic's  political  views  may  be  seea 
in  Segur's  Decade  Historique,  vol.  i.  p.  5189. 


244  HISTORY  OF   POLAND. 

the  emperor's  death,  on  the  1st  of  March,  1792. 
Even  if  the  King  of  Prussia  had  been  honest  in  his 
promises  to  Poland,  his  alarm  at  the  revolutionary 
proceedings  in  France  would  have  prevented  him 
from  performing  them  in  defiance  of  Russia,  that  he 
might  be  at  liberty  to  attempt  to  crush  the  nascent 
spirit  of  independence  in  France.  All  the  negotia- 
tions between  the  three  powers  were  now  veiled  in 
the  closest  secrecy ;  but  time  has  since  shown,  that 
Catl^arine  made  private  and  distinct  arrangements 
with  Prussia  and  Austria,  to  prevent  any  opposition 
to  her  designs  on  Poland. 

On  the  16th  of  April,  1792,  the  deputation  for  the 
management  of  foreign  affairs  laid  an  official  notice 
before  the  diet  concerning  the  hostile  preparations  of 
Russia.  Notwithstanding  this,  the  diet  went  on 
boldly  in  their  work  of  reform ;  and  the  3d  of  May, 
the  anniversary  of  the  new  constitution,  was  set  apart 
for  public  rejoicing.  But  some  gloomy  presentiments 
imbittered  all  the  festivity ;  Felix  Potocki,  Branicki, 
and  Rzewinski,  the  three  chief  nobles  who  opposed 
the  reform,  although  apparently  isolated  from  the  rest 
of  the  Poles,  had  been  endeavouring  secretly  to  make 
converts,  and  had  been  during  some  time  at  Jassy, 
an  omen  that  boded  no  good.  The  diet  invested  the 
king  with  full  executive  power,  placing  the  army 
entirely  at  his  orders,  and  allowing  him  to  employ 
foreign  engineers.  They  also  ordered  thirty  millions 
of  money  to  be  placed  at  his  disposal,  should  war 
break  put,  and  gave  him  liberty  to  convoke  the 
pospolite,  in  case  the  army  of  100,000  men  was  not 
sufficient. 

News  shortly  arrived  that  the  recusant  nobles  had 
signed  an  act  of  confederacy  at  Targowica,*  on  the 
14th  of  May ;  and  four  days  after,  the  Russian  minis- 
ter presented  a  protest  from  his  mistress,  against  the 
innovations,  promising  to  pardon  all  those  who  would 

*  They  could  only  muster  thirteen. 


CONFEDERACY  OF  TARGOWICA.      245 

renounce  them,  but  threatening  all  who  refused  to  do 
so.  Although  this  declaration  of  war,  for  such  it  was, 
must  have  been  expected  by  all  the  thinking  Poles, 
they  had  no  doubt  hoped  for  some  fortunate  event  to 
avert  the  blow  :  and,  ever  credulous,  some  still  de- 
pended on  Fiederic  William.  This  monarch,  how- 
ever, soon  undeceived  them ;  for  in  answer  to  the 
king's  letter  of  the  31st  of  May,  he  says,  "I  will 
frankly  confess,  that  after  all  that  had  passed  during 
the  last  year,  it  was  easy  to  foresee  the  difficulties  in 
which  the  King  of  Poland  now  finds  himself  involved. 
On  more  than  one  occasion,  the  Marquis  of  Lucche- 
sini  has  been  commissioned  to  communicate  my  fears 
on  that  point,  as  well  to  your  majesty  as  the  leading 
members  of  the  government.  Since  the  time  when 
the  re-establishment  of  the  general  tranquillity  in 
Europe  has  allowed  explanation,  and  since  the  Em- 
press of  Russia  has  evinced  a  decided  opposition  to 
the  revolution  of  the  3d  of  May,  my  way  of  thinking 
and  the  language  of  my  ministers  have  never  varied. 
While  I  viewed  with  a  calm  eye  the  new  constitution 
which  the  republic  has  made  for  itself  with  my  ap- 
proval and  concurrence,  I  never  thought  of  support- 
ing it,  or  protecting  it. 

"  Your  majesty  will  feel  that,  the  state  of  things 
having  entirely  changed  since  the  alliance  I  con- 
tracted with  you,  and  that  the  present  conjunctures, 
produced  by  the  constitution  of  the  3d  of  May,  not 
being  conformable  to  the  engagements  which  were 
stipulated,  it  is  not  my  part  to  comply  with  the  ex- 
pectations of  your  majesty."* 

We  hardly  dare  to  allow  ourselves  to  express  our 
feelings  on  reading  this  letter,  but  prefer  to  give  the 
opinion  of  one  who  had  more  experience  in  the  un- 
worthy tricks  of  politicians.  "  We  have  often  seen," 
says  Count  Se"gur,  "justice  sacrificed  to  ambition  in 
politics,  but  never  have  politicians  allowed  themselves 

*  See  Segur's  Decade,  vol.  ii.  p.  388. 


246  HISTORY   OF   POLAND. 

to  disown  engagements  so  public,  so  recent,  and  to 
sport  so  openly  with  the  faith  of  treaties."* 

On  the  18th  of  May  the  Russian  army,  consisting 
of  80,000  troops  of  the  line  and  20,000  Cossacks, 
received  their  orders  to  enter  Poland.  The  Polish 
army  consisted  of  three  divisions,  one  headed  by  the 
king's  nephew,  Joseph  Poniatowski,  the  second  by 
Michael  Wielhorski,  and  the  third  by  the  famous 
Kosciusko.  Stanislas  promised  to  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  his  troops,  and  the  Poles  in  general  looked 
forward  with  sanguine  hopes.  Those,  however,  who 
knew  the  king  had  no  such  expectations,!  and  were 
not  surprised  when  he  formed  a  new  council  of  war, 
and  ordered  Joseph  Poniatowski  to  retire  towards 
the  river  Bug,  in  order  to  concentrate  the  forces 
about  Warsaw.  Several  skirmishes  occurred,  in 
which  the  Poles  had,  in  general,*the  advantage. 

Kosciusko  had  a  glorious  affair  at  Zielence,  on  the 
18th  of  June ;  and  Mokranowski  distinguished  him- 
self at  Polonna,  at  the  head  of  his  cavalry.  But  the 
battle  of  Dubienka  was  the  most  decisive  affray  in 
this  short  and  tantalizing  campaign.  Headed  by 
Kosciusko,  the  Poles  withstood  an  enemy  three  times 
their  number,  and  made  an  honourable  retreat,  after 
much  slaughter.  The  courage  and  prudence  exhibited 
by  Kosciusko  on  this  day  marked  him  out  to  the 
Poles  as  one  of  their  greatest  military  champions.  In 
Lithuania  the  army  was  restricted  by  similar  orders, 
and  the  Russians  advanced  almost  unopposed. 

Notwithstanding  his  timid  counsels,  the  king  con- 
tinued to  act  the  hero  at  least  in  words,  and  fre- 
quently exclaimed,  with  enthusiasm,  "  that  he  would 

*  By  the  6th  article  of  the  treaty  of  1790,  Frederic  William  was 
bound  to  protect  the  republic  from  foreign  interference,  "at  any  time  or 
in  any  manner."— Segur's  Decade  Historique,  vol.  ii. 

t  The  Poles,  it  must  he  confessed,  showed  the  most  tender  regard  to 
the  divine  person  of  their  king.  "  I  do  not  speak,"  says  Oginski, "  of  the 
design  which  it  is  said  he  formed  to  repair  to  the  camp  of  Dubno,  where 
a  body  of  12,000  men  were  assembled ;  for  this  enterprise  would  have 
cost  too  many  sacrifices  of  his  peaceful  liabits^—Mem.  de  Michel  Ogin- 
•W,  vol.  i.  p.  WO. 


STANISLAS    SIGNS    THE    CONFEDERACY.        247 

rather  die  gloriously  than  betray  the  confidence  of 
his  nation,  and  sacrifice  the  interest  of  his  subjects*" 
Every  day,  however,  gave  the  lie  to  this  assertion, 
and  his  irresolution  was  hourly  exhibited  more 
glaringly. 

Of  this  his  observation  on  reading  a  spirited  pro- 
test of  the  Lithuanians  against  the  traitorous  con- 
federacy is  a  striking  exemplification :  "  It  is  well, 
very  well ;  but  are  they  not  afraid  of  compromising 
themselves,  and  exposing  themselves  to  persecution, 
if  chances  happened  to  turn  out  against  us  ?"  This 
short  remark  speaks  his  real  sentiments.  On  the 
22d  of  June  he  wrote  to  the  empress,  offering  to 
make  the  grand-duke  Constantine  his  successor ;  but 
he  only  received  reproaches  for  having  violated  the 
pacta  conventa,  and  a  palpable  hint  to  join  the  con- 
federation of  Targowica.  On  the  23d  of  July  the 
king  signed  the  act  of  the  confederates,  and  Poland 
was  orice  more  in  the  hands  of  the  Russians.  The 
patriot  officers  were  discharged ;  the  army  was  dis- 
banded, or  scattered  in  small  detachments,  and  the 
inhabitants  of  the  various  districts  were  obliged  to 
accede  to  the  confederation,  and  declare  that  all  the 
proceedings  of  the  constitutional  diet  Were  acts  of 
despotism.  The  latter  part  of  this  year  was  spent 
in  making  these  arrangements,  and  negotiating  with 
the  confederates. 

Early  in  1793  the  Prussian  troops  entered  Great 
Poland.  The  confederates,  whose  commissioners 
now  sat  at  Grodno,  in  vain  remonstrated  with  the 
Russian  minister;  their  only  answer  was,  that  he 
was  ignorant  of  the  designs  of  Frederic  William, 
but  they  must  take  care  not  to  incense  that  prince 
by  imprudent  hostilities,  without  having  previously 
consulted  the  court  of  Russia.  The  confederates,  at 
least  all  those  who  were  not  mere  creatures  of 
Catharine,  now  began  to  repent  their  rashness,  and 
they  issued  a  protestation,  on  the  3d  of  February, 
against  the  Prussian  invasion,  wound  up  with  these 


248  HISTORY   OF   POLAND. 

words:  "We  will  preserve  our  republic  whole,  or 
none  of  us  will  survive  our  disaster." 

To  add  to  the  calamities  of  Poland,  the  richest 
bankers  of  Warsaw,  in  whose  hands  capitalists  had 
vested  immense  sums,  declared  themselves  insolvent. 
This  shock  was  severely  felt  by  the  greatest  portion 
of  the  moneyed  Poles  ;  for  the  bankers,  by  giving-  as 
high  a  rate  of  interest  as  seven  or  eight  per  cent., 
were  the  holders  of  most  of  the  capital. 

On  the  25th  of  March  Frederic  issued  a  mani- 
festo, stating  openly  his  intention  of  seizing  Great 
Poland,*  and  assigning  as  motives  for  this  treachery 
and  disregard  of  his  former  treaties,  that  the  princi- 
ples of  jacobinism  were  gaining  ground  fast  in  that 
country ;  "  that  the  spirit  of  French  democracy  and 
the  principles  of  that  atrocious  sect,  which  seeks  to 
make  proselytes  on  all  sides,  begin  to  take  deep  root 
in  Poland,  so  that  the  manoeuvres  of  the  jacobin 
emissaries  are  powerfully  supported  there,  and  that 
there  are  already  formed  there  several  revolutionary 
clubs,  which  make  an  open  profession  of  their  senti- 
ments."! He  admits  that  he  had  previously  con- 
certed this  invasion  with  the  courts  of  Vienna  and 
Petersburg;  that  he  intends  to  incorporate  several 

*  Oginski  commits  seme  egregious  blunders  in  this  part  of  his  Me- 
moirs. He  quotes  Frederic's  manifesto  of  the  25th  of  March,  "  It  is 
known  by  all  Europe,"  &c.,  as  one  dated  the  16th  of  January. 

It  is  evident  the  count  never  read  the  original,  for  he  makes  the  sen- 
tence "  Le  Roi  aime,"  &c.  the  termination,  whereas  it  is  in  the  middle. 
ITe  says  also  that  Dantzig  is  not  named  in  this  manifesto  ;  whereas  we 
find,  "  In  consequence,  we  have  resolved,  in  concert  with  her  majesty 
the  empress  of  all  the  Russias,  to  take  possession  of  the  districts  above 
named,  as  veil  as  of  the  towns  of  Thorn  and  Duntzig,  and  to  incorpo- 
rate them  in  our  states,"  &c.— See  Appendix  to  Segur. 

f  As  these  singular  documents  are  of  great  importance,  we  will 
transcribe  a  few  striking  clauses.  After  stating  that  he  has  ordered  his 
troops  to  enter  Poland,  he  proceeds,  u  He  flatters  himself,  that  with  feel- 
ings so  pacific,  he  may  depend  on  the  good-will  of  a  nation  whose  wel- 
fare can  never  be  indifferent  to  him,  and  to  which  he  wishes  to  give  real 
proofs  of  his  affection  and  regard."  To  add  the  last  step  to  this  climax 
of  galling  insult,  he  orders  all  the  inhabitants,  "under  penalty  of  the 
punishment  customary  in  such  cases  of  refusal,"  to  take  an  oath  of  alle- 
giance to  himself  and  his  successors. 


DECLARATION  OF  SIEVERS  AND  BUCHOLZ.     249 

districts  of  Great  Poland  and  the  towns  of  Thorn 
and  Dantzig  with  his  states,  promising,  at  the  same 
time,  to  maintain  all  the  inhabitants  in  their  posses- 
sions, privileges,  and  rights,  secular  and  ecclesiastic. 

The  empress  ordered  her  minister,  Sievers,  to  con- 
cert with  the  envoy  of  Prussia,  Bucholz,  the  partition 
of  the  kingdom ;  and  on  the  9th  of  April  they  laid 
before  the  commissioners  of  the  confederates  at 
Grodno  a  declaration,  involving  the  destiny  of  Po- 
land. After  having  formerly  stated  that  they  only 
came  as  allies  of  the  majority  of  the  nation,  they 
now  complain  that  "  the  spirit  of  faction  and  discon- 
tent has  spread  to  such  a  great  extent,  that  those 
who  give  themselves  the  trouble  of  fomenting  it  and 
rendering  it  general,  having  failed  in  their  intrigues 
with  foreign  courts  to  attach  suspicion  to  the  designs 
of  Russia,  have  directed  all  their  efforts  to  fascinate 
the  eyes  of  the  people,  always  easy  to  seduce. 
They  have  succeeded  so  far  that  this  same  people, 
after  being  frustrated  in  their  criminal  designs,  have 
become  the  sharers  in  the  hatred  and  enmity  which 
they  have  vowed  against  the  empire  of  Russia. 
Without  mentioning  here  several  facts  generally 
known,  and  which  prove  the  hostile  inclinations  of 
the  greatest  part  of  the  Poles,  it  will  suffice  to  say 
that  they  have  abused  the  principles  of  humanity 
and  moderation  which  directed  the  generals  and  offi- 
cers of  the  army  of  her  majesty  the  empress  in 
their  operations  and  in  their  conduct,  according  to 
the  empress's  orders  given  them  in  this  particular ; 
so  that  they  had  risen  against  them  in  every  way, 
ill  treating  them,  turning  them  into  ridicule,  and  th<* 
boldest  among  them  have  even  dared  to  speak  of  the 
Sicilian  Vespers,  threatening  them  with  the  same 
fate."  They  state  that  they  have  the  consent  of 
Austria  to  limit  the  extent  of  Poland,  and  invite  the 
Poles  to  a  diet,  to  co-operate  with  them  in  making 
this  arrangement. 

The  ministers  obliged  the  confederated  commission 


250  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

to  re-establish  the  permanent  council  which  had  been 
instituted  in  1775,  which  was  so  readily  made  an  in- 
strument of  Russia,  and  which  had  been  abolished 
by  the  reformers.  They  also  urged  the  king  and  his 
new  council  to  convoke  the  diet  immediately  at 
Grodno ;  but  before  issuing  the  circular  letters  for 
the  election,  Stanislas  resolved  to  try  his  personal 
influence  with  Catharine,  and  offered  at  the  same 
time  to  abdicate  the  throne.  To  this  proposal  she 
replied,  through  her  minister,  that  the  moment  he 
chose  for  abdication  was  the  least  opportune ;  and 
that  all  considerations  of  propriety  required  him 
to  retain  the  reins  of  authority  in  his  hands  until 
he  had  extricated  the  kingdom  from  its  present 
troubles. 

To  ensure  a  majority  in  the  diet,  the  ministers 
obliged  the  commission'of  the  confederacy  to  pass  a 
temporary  law,  called  sandtum,  dated  the  llth  of 
May,  that  those  should  not  be  eligible  who  had  not 
acceded  to  the  confederacy,  or  had  concurred  in  the 
establishment  of  the  new  constitution.  To  make 
security  still  more  sure,  another  sancitum  was  passed, 
which  extended  the  restriction  to  all  who  had  pro- 
tested against  any  of  the  commissioners'  decisions. 
To  enforce  these  laws  Russian  garrisons  were  placed 
in  all  the  places  appointed  for  the  dietines. 

The  king  was  now  as  imbecile  as  ever ;  and  his 
answer  to  Count  Oginski's  proposal  to  plan  a  deter- 
mined resistance  is  a  sad  omen  of  his  conduct. 
"  God  is  witness,"  said  he,  "  of  the  purity  of  the  in- 
tentions of  my  heart ;  I  have  nothing  to  reproach 
myself  with ;  the  misfortunes  which  overwhelm  Po- 
land consume  me  with  grief,  and  shorten  my  days, 
without  a  possibility  of  my  being  able  to  be  useful 
to  it. — Under  any  other  circumstances  Count  Ogin- 
ski's project  would  be  very  good ;  but,  to  sum  up  our 
calculation,  what  result  would  be  produced  by  this 
rhodomontade  on  my  part,  which  does  not  suit  either 
my  age  or  my  strength,  exhausted  by  labours  and 


RESISTANCE    TO    RUSSIA'S   DEMANDS.         251 

perpetual  vexations  ?"  He  opened  this  fatal  diet  on 
the  17th  of  June,  by  announcing  his  fears  for  the 
fate  of  his  country,  and  recommending  negotiation 
as  the  only  means  of  procuring  any  alleviation  of 
their  troubles.  The  Russian  and  Prussian  ministers 
sent  a  note  to  the  assembly,  requiring  them  to  com- 
ply with  the  demands  contained  in  the  manifesto  of 
the  29th  of  March.  The  diet,  although  so  artfully 
picked  by  Russia,  was  not  at  first  very  tractable; 
some  little  portion  of  patriotism  found  its  way  into 
it  in  spite  of  the  care  and  scrutiny  employed.  Sie- 
vers,  Catharine's  minister,  demanded  that  the  treaty 
should  be  signed  on  the  17th  of  July ;  and  this  an- 
nouncement, which  brought  the  Poles  face  to  face 
with  the  destiny  preparing  for  them,  roused  even  the 
most  listless.  "They  threaten  us  with  Siberia," 
said  the  deputies ;  "  those  deserts  will  not  be  without 
charms  for  us;  every  thing  there  will  recall  the 
cause  of  our  country  to  our  minds !  Well,  let  us  go 
to  Siberia!  Conduct  us  there,  sire!  There  your 
virtue  and  ours  will  make  our  enemies  tremble !" 
At  this  exclamation,  a  part  of  the  assembly  rose 
spontaneously,  crying  out,  "Yes,  let  us  go  to  Siberia! 
Let  us  set  out!"  After  this  burst  of  enthusiasm, 
Karski,  deputy  for  Pk^k,  having  in  his  eye  some 
who  did  not,  he  knew,  share  in  this  patriotic  feeling, 
declared  that  "  if  there  was  any  one  in  that  hall  who 
dared  to  sanction  the  treaty,  he  would  be  the  first  to 
teach  him  what  fate  a  traitor  deserves."  Misfortune, 
remarks  Segur,  has  its  intoxication  as  well  as  happi- 
ness. The  king  was  highly  alarmed  at  these  remains 
of  patriotism,  and  exhorted  the  diet  to  comply  with 
the  demands  of  the  ministers.  The  bishop  of  Livo- 
nia exerted  all  his  powers  of  artifice  as  well  as  ora- 
tory to  induce  them  to  submit;  he  assured  them 
that  "  when  the  Empress  of  Russia  was  satisfied,- 
she  would  not  insist  on  the  cession  of  the  provinces 
which  the  King  of  Prussia  had  invaded ;  and,  conse- 
quently, by  making  the  concessions  to  Russia  they 


252  HISTORY   OF   POLAND. 

would  avoid  those  which  Prussia  required."  The 
ardour  of  these  credulous  patriots  was  soon  cooled ; 
the  motion  passed  with  a  majority  of  seventy- three 
voices  against  twenty,  and,  after  a  few  days'  debate 
on  the  several  articles,  the  sad  and  disgraceful  treaty 
was  signed  on  the  23d  of  July.  On  the  following 
day  the  Prussian  minister  demanded  concessions, 
similar  to  those  just  made,  in  his  master's  name. 

But,  humiliated  as  the  Poles  were,  they  could  not 
stifle  their  indignation  at  Frederic  William's  treach- 
ery; he  it  was,  they  said,  who,  by  his  deceitful 
promises,  had  urged  them  to  rebel  against  the  tyr- 
anny of  Russia ;  he  was  the  Satan,  exclaimed  they, 
who  tempted  us  to  eat  the  forbidden  fruit  of  liberty, 
and  now  he  not  only  laughs  at  our  misfortune,  but  is 
one  of  the  instruments  to  inflict  it.  They  could  not 
forget  how  warmly  he  had  expressed  his  approval  of 
all  the  reforms  he  now  complained  of.  He  could  not 
erase  from  their  remembrance  the  letter  he  had  writ- 
ten to  his  ambassador  at  Warsaw,  Count  Goltz  :  "  In 
conformity  with  the  friendly  feeling  which  has  al- 
ways led  me  to  co-operate  for  the  prosperity  of  the 
republic  as  well  as  to  consolidate  its  new  constitution, 
a  feeling  of  which  I  have  never  failed  to  give  every 
proof  in  my  power,  I  admire  and  applaud  the  import 
ant  step*  which  the  nation  has  taken,  and  which  J 
consider  essential  to  consolidate  its  welfare. — I  re- 
quest you  to  present,  in  the  most  solemn  manner, 
my  sincere  congratulations  to  the  king,  to  the  mar- 
shals of  the  diet,  and  all  those  who  have  contributed 
to  such  an  important  work."  But  imprecations  were 
now  the  only  instruments  of  Polish  vengeance,  and 
we  have  already  had  frequent  opportunities  of  seeing 
the  efficiency  of  the  Poles  in  this  as  in  other  species  of 
warfare.  The  king,  the  butt  of  all  parties,  occasion- 
'ally  threw  a  dash  of  his  theatrical  pathos  into  the 
scene,  protesting  his  innocence  of  the  misfortunes  of 

*  The  choice  of  the  Elector  of  Saxony  for  successor  to  Stanislas. 


VIOLENCE   OF   SIEVERS.  253 

his  country ;  and  the  diet  absolutely  had  the  patience, 
on  many  occasions,  to  hear  him  exclaim, "  We  have 
done  all  that  lay  in  our  power,  we  have  made  every 
attempt,  and  we  have  omitted  nothing  !"*  But  when 
he  urged  the  deputies  to  ratify  the  treaty,  their  for- 
bearance was  exhausted ;  they  told  him  some  hard 
truths ; — that  he  was  only  the  instrument  of  Catha- 
rine to  tyrannize  and  oppress  the  Poles ;  that  had  he 
not  paralyzed  their  arms  in  the  campaign  of  1792, 
they  milght  now  be  enjoying  their  liberty,  or  at  least 
the  satisfaction  of  having  done  their  duty. 

This  was  only  a  procrastination  of  the  evil  day ; 
Russian  despotism,  which  at  home  knew  no  other 
law  but  "  to  say  to  this  man  go,  and  he  goeth,  and  to 
another  come,  and  he  cometh,"  was  not  mollified  by 
migrating  a  few  miles  farther  to  the  west ;  and  on  the 
22d  of  September  Sievers  sent  another  declaration 
to  the  diet  to  insist  on  the  immediate  ratification  of 
the  treaty,  and  finished  this  note  by  announcing  his 
intention,  that,  to  prevent  all  disorder,  he  should  or- 
der two  battalions  of  grenadiers,  with  four  pieces  of 
artillery,  to  surround  the  castle  where  the  diet  was 
held.  No  strangers  except  the  Russian  officers,  who 
were  strictly  charged  to  prevent  the  deputies  even 
from  moving  from  their  seats,  were  to  be  admitted. 
At  the  same  time,  said  Sievers,  he  ensured  the  depu- 
ties a  perfect  freedom  of  debate !  Even  then  the 
diet  would  not  submit  without  reservation  to  the  de- 
mands of  Russia.  Surrounded  as  they  were  with 
the  sworn  slaves  of  Catharine,  some  few  members 
still  raised  their  voices  against  this  prostitution  of 
the  forms  of  liberty. 

Russian  patience  was  exhausted;  on  the  same 
night  four  members,  who  had  distinguished  them- 
selves by  their  patriotism,  were  dragged  from  their 
homes  by  Russian  soldiers ;  and  it  was  in  vain  that 
the  diet  protested  against  the  violence.  Sievers 

*  Fecimiis  qua  potuimus>  omnia  tentavimus,  nihil  omisirmts,  wer» 
his  words. 


254  HISTORY    OF   POLAND. 

even  still  had  the  effrontery  to  say,  that  "  he  had 
never  pretended  to  curb  the  freedom  of  speech  and 
discussion;"  but  he  added,  "  that  he  was  not  account- 
able to  any  one  for  arresting  the  four  deputies ;  but 
that  he  would  teach  Poland  that  first  of  laws,  how  to 
respect  sovereigns,  which  the  jacobin  principles  and 
those  of  the  3d  of  May  did  not  observe."  To  this 
threat  the  diet  made  no  answer ;  but  preserved  an 
obstinate  silence.  Notwithstanding  that  the  Rus- 
sian general,  who  was  present,  informed  them  that 
they  must  remain  in  that  hall  until  they  acceded  to 
the  demands,  and  that  if  these  means  failed  he  was 
instructed  to  use  rigour,  not  a  mouth  was  opened.  At 
three  in  the  morning  the  general  rose  to  call  in  a 
detachment  of  soldiers,  when  a  traitorous  deputy  in 
the  Russian  interest  proposed  that  silence  should  be 
considered  as  a  consent  to  the  motion,  and  accor- 
dingly the  marshal  of  the  diet,  Bialinski,  who  was  of 
the  same  party,  put  the  question,  if  the  treaty  should 
be  signed  without  reservation]  This  was  three 
times  repeated  without  answer,  and  he  declared  that 
it  had  received  the  sanction  of  the  diet,  and  ac- 
cordingly it  was  signed  on  the  5th  of  September. 

The  very  principle  of  the  partisans  of  the  worst 
abuses  of  government  is  injustice,  and,  fortunately  for 
the  cause  of  liberty,  its  features  declare  it  so  plainly 
to  belong  to  the  family  of  vice,  that  it  cannot  always 
avoid  detection.  The  confederates  of  Targowica 
soon  showed  how  little  they  had  been  influenced  in 
their  proceedings  by  love  for  their  country  and  its 
ancient  constitution ;  for  they  confiscated,  plundered, 
and  tyrannized  even  more  than  the  Russians.  But 
they  received  the  treatment  they  deserved :  they  had 
answered  the  purpose  Catharine  wished,  namely,  to 
furnish  a  pretext  for  the  invasion ;  and  she,  having  no 
further  service  for  them,  in  September  dissolved  the 
confederation. 

The  diet  performed  their  last  sad  and  unwilling 
office  on  the  23d  of  November.  They  pulled  down 


END  OF  THE   CONSTITUTION.  255 

the  beautiful  structure  of  the  constitution  they  had  so 
proudly  erected,  and  Poland,  at  least  the  remains  of 
it,  relapsed  into  the  former  absurd  mode  of  legis- 
lation. 

The  allied  powers  did  not  forget  to  "  reduce  the 
republic  of  Poland  into  narrower  limits :"  Catharine 
advanced  her  frontier  into  the  middle  of  Lithuania 
and  Volhynia;  and  Frederic  William  had  the  re- 
maining portion  of  Great  Poland,  and  part  of  Little 
Poland,  for  his  share  of  the  spoil.  The  limits,  how- 
ever, it  must  be  remembered,  were  not  definitively 
marked  out ;  military  possession  was  the  only  ten- 
ure, and  the  Poles  found  that  empresses  and  kings 
set  at  naught  the  denunciation,  "  Cursed  is  he  who 
removeth  his  neighbour's  landmark." 

The  remaining  portion  of  the  kingdom  was  ensured 
to  Stanislas,  to  be  governed  by  the  old  laws ;  but  he 
was  not  allowed  to  reign  alone  even  over  this  nar- 
row domain.  The  Russian  ambassador  was  abso- 
lute master  at  Warsaw,  and  Russian  troops  were  the 
garrison. 

Such  was  the  end  of  the  short-lived  constitution  of 
the  3d  of  May.  Ephemeral  as  it  was,  it  suggests 
some  important  reflections.  There  are  certain  stages 
in  disorders  of  the  political  constitution  as  well  as 
the  physical,  in  which  no  remedies  can  afford  any 
service,  but,  on  the  contrary,  prove  fatal.  When 
corruptions  and  abuses  are  so  widely  disseminated 
as  they  were  in  the  Polish  government,  nothing 
short  of  a  radical  reform  can  be  beneficial :  partial 
weeding  is  useless ;  one  weed  left  behind  is  sufficient 
to  produce  another  crop  of  the  noxious  plants  equal 
to  that  which  we  removed.  But  to  bear  such  a  radi- 
cal reform  popular  strength  is  requisite,  and  unfor- 
tunately Poland  had  delayed  the  desirable  remedy 
till  its  force  and  resources  were  too  much  exhausted ; 
and  its  sad  fate  is  a  warning  to  other  states,  not  to 
defer  the  important  season  till  too  late. 


256  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 


CHAPTER  XL 

Patriots  at  Dresden  and  Leipzig— Patriotic  Conspiracy  at  Warsaw— The 
Patriots  of  Warsaw  correspond  with  Kosciusko — The  Russian  Minis- 
ter orders  the  Troops  to  disband — Madalinski  refuses,  and  marches  to 
Cracow — Kosciusko  enters  Cracow — Confederacy  of  Cracow— Kosci- 
usko declared  Generalissimo — Kosciusko's  Life — Kosciusko  marches 
against  the  Russians— Insurrection  at  Warsaw,  and  Expulsion  of  the 
Russians— Lithuania— Barbarities  at  Warsaw — Kosciusko's  Camp  at 
Wola — The  King  of  Prussia  invests  Warsaw ;  retreats — Insurrection 
in  Great  Poland — Suwarow  marches  against  the  Patriots — Battle  of 
Macieiowice,  and  Kosciusko  taken  Prisoner— The  Russians  take  Praga 
— Massacre  of  Praga — Warsaw  surrenders — Russian,  Prussian,  and 
Austrian  Prisoners— Third  Partition— Stanislas's  Abdication  ;  Death ; 
and  Character. 

THE  Poles  have  a  proverb,  "  You  may  strip  a  Pole 
to  his  shirt,  but  if  you  attempt  to  take  his  shirt  he 
will  regain  all."  Although  they  have  not  precisely 
verified  this,  they  seem  always  to  have  kept  it  in 
their  eye  as  a  principle  of  action  ;  they  have  always 
submitted  in  the  first  instance  to  the  greatest  aggres- 
sions with  wonderful  indifference  and  docility,  but 
have  generally  made  the  most  determined  resistance 
to  the  finishing  act  of  tyranny.  "  The  proud  Poles" 
might  be  expected  to  find  the  yoke  of  subjugation 
more  galling  than  any  other  nation  in  the  world ;  it 
was  still  a  country  of  nobles,  men  whose  only  busi- 
ness was  to  rule,  and  cherish  lofty  feelings.  Those 
who  were  too  devoted  to  their  liberty  to  stay  to  wit- 
ness their  country's  oppression  were  now  wandering 
outcasts  in  foreign  lands ;  but  wherever  they  went 
they  carried  with  them  hearts  which  still  yearned  for 
their  homes,  although  they  could  not  find  any  enjoy- 
ment in  them  without  independence.  Dresden  and 
Leipzig  were  the  chief  places  of  refuge  for  these 
patriots,  among  whom  Potocki,  Kolontay,  Mala- 
chowski,  Mostowski,  and  Kosciusko  were  the  most 
conspicuous.  They  were  not,  however,  willing  to 


PATRIOTIC   CONSPIRACY.  257 

sacrifice  the  lives  of  their  countrymen  in  rash  and 
useless  struggles,  but  waited  for  a  favourable  junc- 
ture to  unsheath  the  sword  once  more  against  theii 
oppressors.  But  their  fellow-patriots  in  Poland,  who 
were  feeling  more  keenly  the  pains  of  tyranny,  were 
more  impatient,  and  obliged  them  to  hasten  then 
plans,  "  and  thus,"  says  one  who  was  enlisted  among 
them,*  "  they  left  to  Providence  the  issue  of  the  mosi 
rash  enterprise  that  could  be  conceived."  The  de 
sign  was  first  formed  at  Warsaw,  and  the  revolution 
regularly  devised  a  commission  of  four  persons  form 
ing  the  active  body.  Their  agents  were  spread  al* 
over  the  kingdom ;  the  plot  was  speedily  maturing 
and  would  no  doubt  have  become  general  had  not 
the  explosion  been  forestalled. 

Igelstrom,  who  had  succeeded  Sievers,  and  was 
invested  with  plenary  power,  insisted  on  the  imme 
diate  reduction  of  the  Polish  army  to  15,000.  At  thi* 
time  it  consisted  of  about  30,000  men,  divided  into 
small  bodies,  scattered  in  different  parts  of  the  king- 
dom under  the  surveillance  of  the  Russian  troops. 
The  permanent  council  was  obliged  to  obey  the 
mandate,  and  issued  the  orders.  This  was  the  signal 
for  throwing  off  the  galling  yoke.  A  strict  corres- 
pondence had  been  carried  on  between  the  Poles 
abroad  and  their  brother  patriots  in  Poland.  Cracow 
was  fixed  on  as  the  point  of  junction,  and  unanimous 
consent  placed  the  noble  Kosciusko  at  the  head  of 
the  confederacy.  The  patriots  of  Warsaw  had  sent 
two  emissaries,  in  September,  1793,  to  this  great  man, 
who  had  retired  to  Leipzig,  and  he  then  commenced 
communications  with  Ignatius  Potocki  and  Kolontay. 
Not  satisfied  with  report,  Kosciusko  went  to  the 
frontier  of  Poland,  that  he  might  ascertain  the  state 
of  feeling ;  he  then  forwarded  his  companion  Za- 
jonczek  to  Warsaw,  where  he  staid  ten  days  undis- 
covered. His  report  was  that  "  the  members  of  the 

*  Count  Oginski. 


258  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

conspiracy  were  zealous,  but  too  enthusiastic,  that 
their  only  connexion  with  the  army  was  through 
Madalinski,  Dzialynski,  and  a  few  subalterns."*  Ka- 
pustas,  however,  a  banker  of  Warsaw,  made  himself 
very  instrumental  in  preparing  the  minds  of  the  peo- 
ple for  the  grand  attempt  proposed ;  and  Madalinski 
pledged  himself  to  risk  all  if  they  attempted  to  oblige 
him  to  disband  his  brigade. 

The  approach  of  such  a  man  as  Kosciusko  to  the 
frontier  could  not  be  kept  secret.  While  Zajonczek 
was  at  WTarsaw,  Kosciusko  had  an  interview  with 
Wodzicki,  commander  of  2000  troops,  near  Cracow, 
and  the  circumstance  came  to  the  ears  of  a  Russian 
colonel  stationed  there ;  but  fortunately  Kosciusko 
was  apprized  of  the  event,  and  to  lull  suspicion  im- 
mediately retired  to  Italy. 

The  arrival  of  Stanislas  and  the  Russian  ambas- 
sador at  Warsaw  from  Grodno  was  the  signal  for 
fresh  persecution.  Arrests  daily  took  place,  and 
Mostowski,  one  of  the  chief  senators,  was  imprisoned. 
About  this  time  Zajonczek  returned  from  Dresden, 
and  the  king  being  aware  of  it,  and  knowing  he  was 
one  of  the  emigrants,  suspected  his  design,  and  in- 
formed the  Russian  minister;  in  consequence  of  which 
the  patriot  was  ordered  to  leave  the  kingdom. 

Madalinski  was  the  first  to  draw  the  sword  of  re- 
bellion. He  was  stationed  at  Pultusk,  about  eight 
leagues  from  Warsaw,  with  700  cavalry ;  and  on  re- 
ceiving the  order  to  disband  the  corps,  he  refused, 
and  declared  it  was  impossible  till  their  pay,  which 
was  two  months  in  arrears,  was  advanced.  After 
this,  which  occurred  on  the  15th  of  March,  1794,  he 
set  out  for  Cracow,  having  previously  traversed  the 
new  Prussian  territory,  made  several  prisoners,  and 
exacted  contributions. 

Kosciusko  was  aware  of  this  bold  step,  and  though 


*  Histoire  de  la  Revolution  de  Pologne  en  1794,  par  un  T^moiu  Ocu- 
laire. 


KOSCIUSKO    MADE    DICTATOR.  259 

he  \\  ould  probably  have  advised  more  caution,  knew 
the  die  was  cast,  and  that  it  was  now  too  late  to  de- 
bate. He  hastened  from  Saxony,  reached  Cracow 
on  the  night  of  the  23d  of  March,  where  Wodzicki, 
with  a  body  of  400  men,  was  ready  to  receive  him, 
and  on  the  following  day  was  proclaimed  generalis- 
simo. The  garrison  and  all  the  troops  at  Cracow 
took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  Kosciusko  ;  and  a  deed 
of  insurrection  was  drawn  up,  by  which  this  great 
man  was  appointed  dictator,  in  imitation  of  the  Ro- 
man custom  in  great  emergencies.  His  power  was 
absolute ;  he  had  the  command  of  the  armies,  and 
the  regulation  of  all  affairs  political  and  civil.  He 
was  commissioned,  however,  to  appoint  a  national 
council,  the  choice  being  left  to  his  own  will.  He 
was  also  empowered  to  nominate  a  successor,  but 
he  was  to  be  subordinate  to  the  national  council. 

Never  before  was  confidence  so  fully  and  so  un- 
scrupulously reposed  by  a  nation  in  a  single  indi- 
vidual ;  and  never  were  expectations  better  grounded 
than  in  the  present  instance.  Thadeus  Kosciusko* 
was  born  of  a  noble,  but  not  very  illustrious,  Lithua- 
nian family,  and  was  early  initiated  in  the  science 
of  war  at  the  military  school  of  Warsaw.  In  his 
youth  his  affections  were  firmly  engaged  to  a  young 
lady,  the  daughter  of  the  Marshal  of  Lithuania ;  but 
it  was  his  fate  to  see  his  love  crossed,  and  his 
inamorata  married  to  another,  Prince  Lubomirski. 
He  then  went  to  France,  and  on  his  return  applied 
to  Stanislas  for  a  military  appointment ;  but  was  re- 
fused because  he  was  a  favourite  of  Adam  Czartory- 
ski,  whom  Stanislas  hated.  Kosciusko  sought  to 
dispel  his  disappointment  in  the  labours  of  war.  The 
British  colonies  of  America  were  then  throwing  off 
the  yoke  of  their  unnatural  mother-country — their 
cause  was  that  of  justice  and  liberty,  and  one  dear 


*  He  was  born  on  the  12th  of  February,  1746,  at  the  chateau  «f  Sien- 
niewicze,  near  Brzesc-Litewski. 


260  HISTORY   OF   POLAND. 

to  the  heart  of  a  young  proud-spirited  Pole.  Our 
young  hero  served  in  the  patriotic  ranks  of  Gates 
and  Washington,  and  was  appointed  aid-de-camp  to 
the  latter  great  general.  When  the  glorious  struggle 
in  the  new  world  was  crowned  with  success,  he  re- 
turned to  his  own  country,  where  he  found  an  equally 
glorious  field  for  his  exertions.  He  held  the  rank 
of  major-general  under  Joseph  Poniatowski  in  the 
campaign  of  1792,  to  which  office  he  had  been  raised 
by  the  diet,  and  we  have  already  seen  what  a  glo- 
rious earnest  he  then  gave  of  what  was  to  be  ex- 
pected from  him,  had  not  his  ardour  been  checked 
by  the  king's  timidity  and  irresolution. 

The  first  acts  of  the  dictator  were  to  issue  sum- 
monses to  all  the  nobles  and  citizens ;  to  impose  a 
property-tax,  and  make  all  the  requisite  arrange- 
ments which  prudence  dictated  with  regard  to  the 
commissariat  of  his  little  army.  On  the  1st  of  April 
he  left  Cracow,  at  the  head  of  about  4000  men,  most 
of  whom  were  armed  with  scythes  ;  and  marched  in 
the  direction  of  Warsaw,  to  encounter  a  body  of 
Russians  more  than  thrice  their  own  number,  which 
he  understood  were  ordered  against  them  by  Igel- 
strom. 

The  patriots  encountered  the  enemy  on  the  4th  of 
April  near  Raclawice,  a  village  about  six  or  seven 
Polish  miles*  to  the  north-east  of  Cracow.  The 
battle  lasted  nearly  five  hours,  but  victory  declared 
in  favour  of  the  Poles ;  3000  Russians  being  killed, 
and  many' prisoners  ;  eleven  cannon,  and  a  standard 
taken.  This  success  confirmed  the  wavering  pa- 
triots, and  accelerated  the  development  of  the  insur- 
rection throughout  the  kingdom.  In  vain  did  the 
king  issue  a  proclamation,  by  order  of  Igelstrom, 
denouncing  the  patriots  as  the  enemies  of  the  coun- 
try, and  directing  the  permanent  council  to  com- 
mence legal  proceedings  against  them;  the  tame 

*  A  Polish  or  German  mile  is  nearly  equal  to  two  French  Leagues,  of 
twenty-five  to  a  degree. 


REVOLUTION    AT    WARSAW.  261 

submission  of  these  dependants  of  Igelstrom  only 
served  to  increase  the  irritation  of  the  patriots.  The 
state  of  Poland  is  thus  described  by  the  Russian 
minister  himself,  in  a  letter  of  the  16th  of  April,  ad- 
dressed to  the  secretary  of  war  at  Petersburg,  and 
intercepted  by  the  Poles  : — 

"The  whole  Polish -army,  which  musters  about 
18,000  strong,  is  in  complete  rebellion,  excepting 
4000,  who  compose  the  garrison  of  Warsaw. — The 
insurrection  strengthens  every  moment,  its  progress 
is  very  rapid,  and  its  success  terrifying.  I  am  my- 
self in  expectation  of  seeing  the  confederation  of 
Lublin  advance,  and  I  have  no  hope  but  in  God  and 
the  good  cause  of  my  sovereign.  Lithuania  will  not 
fail,  certainly,  to  follow  the  example,"  &c. 

On  the  same  day  Igelstrom  ordered  the  permanent 
council  to  arrest  above  twenty  of  the  most  distin- 
guished persons  whom  he  named.  He  also  issued 
his  orders  to  the  grand-general  to  disarm  the  Polish 
garrison  of  Warsaw.  The  18th  of  April  was  the 
appointed  day,  as  the  most  favourable  to  the  design, 
since  it  was  a  festival,  Easter  eve,  and  most  of  the 
population  would  be  at  mass.  Strong  guards  were 
to  be  stationed  at  the  church-doors;  the  Russian 
troops  were  to  seize  the  powder  magazines  and 
arsenal,  and  the  garrison  were  then  to  be  immediately 
disarmed.  In  case  of  resistance,  the  Cossacks  re- 
ceived the  villanous  orders  to  set  fire  to  the  city  in 
several  places  and  carry  off  the  king.  The  design, 
however,  fortunately  transpired  on  the  very  same  day 
that  it  was  formed.  Kilinski,  a  citizen  of  Warsaw, 
discovered  the  plan,  and  informed  the  patriots  that 
Russians,  in  Polish  uniforms,  were  to  form  the  guards 
which,  on  the  festivals,  are  stationed  at  the  churches. 
In  confirmation  of  his  account,  he  assured  them  'that 
one  of  his  neighbours,  a  tailor,  was  at  work  on  the 
disguises.*  A  private  meeting  of  the  patriots  imme- 

*  Hiatoire  de  la  Revolution  en  1794,  par  un  Temoin  Oculaire. 


262  HISTORY    OF   POLAND. 

diately  took  place,  in  which  it  was  determined  to 
anticipate  -it  by  unfurling  the  standard  of  insurrec- 
tion on  the  17th.  The  precipitancy  of  the  plot  did 
not  admit  of  much  organization,  the  only  concerted 
step  was  to  seize  the  arsenal,  which  was  to  be  the 
signal  for  the  insurrection. 

At  four  in  the  morning  a  detachment  of  Polish 
guards  attacked  the  Russian  picket,  and  obtained 
possession  of  the  arsenal  and  the  powder  magazine, 
and  distributed  arms  to  the  populace.  A  most  ob- 
stinate and  bloody  battle  took  place  in  the  streets  of 
Warsaw,  which  continued  almost  without  intermis- 
sion during  two  days.  But  notwithstanding  the  supe- 
riority in  number  of  the  Russian  troops,  amounting 
to  nearly  8000,  the  patriots  were  victorious.  This 
glorious  success  was  not  obtained  without  much 
bloodshed;  above  2200  of  the  enemy  were  killed, 
and  nearly  2000  taken  prisoners.  The  most  san- 
guinary affray  took  place  before  Igelstrom's  house, 
which  was  defended  with  four  cannon  and  a  bat- 
talion of  infantry.  But  nothing  could  withstand  the 
impetuosity  of  the  Poles ;  Igelstrom  narrowly  es- 
caped to  Krasinski's  house,  where  he  made  offers  to 
capitulate.  The  king  exhorted  the  people  to  sus- 
pend their  attack ;  in  the  pause,  while  the  patriots 
were  expecting  Tgelstrom's  submission,  he  escaped 
and  fled  to  the  Prussian  camp  which  was  near  War- 
saw. But  the  patriotic  spirit  of  the  Poles  on  these 
glorious  days  was  unalloyed  by  a  particle  of  selfish 
or  dishonest  feeling ;  in  obedience  to  a  proclamation 
demanding  the  restitution  even  of  this  lawful  plunder 
of  Igelstrom's  house,  and  issued  three  days  after  the 
event,  all  the  bank-notes  were  brought  back,  and 
even  the  sterling  money  to  the  amount  of  95,000 
ducats  of  gold.  Many  striking  instances  of  disin- 
terestedness were  elicited  by  this  proclamation,  but 
the  following  must  not  be  passed  over  in  the  crowd. 
A  private  soldier  presented  himself  at  the  treasury 
with  1000  ducats  of  gold  which  had  fallen  into  his 


GALLANT    EXPLOITS.  263 

hands,  and  for  a  long  time  refused  any  reward  for  his 
honesty;  it  was  with  extreme  reluctance  that  he 
accepted  even  a  ducat,  repeating,  that  he  found  all 
the  reward  he  desired  in  the  pleasure  of  serving  his 
country  and  performing  his  duty. 

On  the  17th,  the  people  crowded  to  the  castle, 
where  they  found  General  Mokranowski  and  Zakrzew- 
ski,  who  had  formerly  been  president  of  the  city  under 
the  constitution  of  the  3d  of  May.  The  latter  was 
reinstated  in  his  post  by  unanimous  acclamation, 
and  the  general  was  appointed  governor.  Mokra- 
nowski was  one  of  the  old  body  of  patriots,  and  had 
signalized  himself  in  the  campaign  of  1792.*  They 
established  a  provisional  executive  council,  consist- 
ing of  twelve  persons  besides  themselves.  The 
council  declared  at  their  first  meeting  that  they  sub- 
scribed without  reservation  to  the  act  of  insurrection 
of  Cracow ;  they  also  sent  a  deputation  to  the  king 
to  testify  their  respect  to  him,  but  at  the  same  time 
prudently  expressed  their  intention  of  obeying  the 
orders  of  none  but  Kosciusko.  The  dictator  imme- 
diately ordered  all  the  inhabitants  of  Warsaw  to  lay 
down  their  arms  at  the  arsenal  to  prevent  any  dis- 
turbances. 

The  Lithuanians  did  not  long  delay  to  obey  the 
call  of  their  Polish  brethren:  on  the  night  of  the 
23d  of  April,  Jasinski,  with  300  soldiers,  and  some 
hundred  citizens,  attacked  the  Russian  garrison  at 
Wilna,  and  after  a  repetition  of  the  scene  of  carnage 
at  Warsaw,  were  left  masters  of  the  city. 

Fortune,  however,  was  not  uniformly  favourable  to 
the  good  cause.  A  body  of  nearly  40,000  Prussians 
entered  the  palatinate  of  Cracow,  and  effected  a 
junction  with  the  Russians  near  Szczekociny,  and 
the  King  of  Prussia  arrived  in  a  few  days  to  head 
them  in  person.  Kosciusko  advanced  with  16,000 
regular  troops  and  about  10,000  peasants,  to  the  de- 

*  At  the  head  of  the  cavalry,  in  the  engagement  at  Zieleuce,  on  the 
18th  of  June 


264  HISTORY   OF   POLAND.  f 

fence  of  Cracow ;  and,  being  ignorant  that  the  enemy 
were  reinforced  by  the  Prussians,  found  himself  en* 
gaged  with  a  force  double  his  own.  The  engage- 
ment of  Szczekociny  took  place  on  the  6th  of  June : 
the  Poles  lost  about  1000  men,  but  made  their  retreat 
in  good  order,  without  being  pursued.  Kosciusko, 
in  announcing  this  affair  to  the  supreme  council,  says, 
"We  have  sustained  a  trifling  loss,  compared  with 
what  we  have  caused  the  enemy. — We  have  effected 
our  retreat  in  good  order,  after  a  cannonade  of  three 
hours."  Another  body  of  the  patriots  suffered  a 
similar  defeat  near  Chelm,  three  days  after ;  and  to 
complete  the  climax  of  misfortune,  the  city  of  Cra- 
cow fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Prussians  on  the  15th. 
These  untoward  events,  following  in  such  rapid 
succession,  began  to  depress  the  spirits  of  the 
Poles ;  and  the  violent  and  seditious  exclaimed  that 
these  reverses  were  caused  by  traitors,  and  were 
greatly  to  be  attributed  to  the  negligence  of  the 
government  in  not  punishing  the  numerous  individ- 
uals who  crowded  the  prisons.  Warsaw  threatened 
to  exhibit  a  revival  of  the  bloody  deeds  of  the  Moun- 
tain butchers  of  the  French  revolution.  On  the  27th 
of  June,  a  young  hot-headed  demagogue  inflamed 
the  passions  of  the  rabble  with  a  bombastic  harangue 
on  the  treachery  to  which  he  ascribed  the  recent 
reverses,  and  urged  the  necessity  of  checking  it,  by 
making  an  example  of  the  persons  now  in  custody. 
On  the  following  day  they  went  in  a  crowd  to  the 
president,  to  demand  the  immediate  execution  of  the 
unfortunate  prisoners ;  and  being  refused,  they  broke 
open  the  prisons  and  actually  hung  eight  persons. 
This  disgraceful  and  almost  indiscriminate  butchery 
was  with  difficulty  stopped  by  the  authorities.* 
Every  true  patriot  lamented  deeply  this  blot  on  the 
glory  of  their  revolution,  and  none  more  than  the 

*  The  "Temoin  Oculaire"  of  the  revolution  of  1794  ascribes  much 
of  this  excitation  to  the  intrigues  of  Stanislas  and  his  party ;  and  it 
must  be  confessed  that  the  king  did  not  evince  very  patriotic  feelings. 


KOSCITJSKO    IN    HIS    CAMP.  26  5 

humane  and  upright  Kosciusko.  "See,"  said  he, 
"  what  tragic  scenes  have  passed  at  Warsaw,  almost 
before  my  eyes ! — The  populace  have  indulged  in 
unpardonable  excesses  which  I  must  punish  severely. 
— The  day  before  yesterday  (the  28th)  will  be  an 
indelible  stain  on  the  history  of  our  revolution ;  and  I 
confess  that  the  loss  of  two  battles  would  have  done 
us  less  harm  than  that  unfortunate  day,  which  our 
enemies  will  make  use  of,  to  represent  us  in  an  un- 
favourable light  in  the  eyes  of  all  Europe  !"*  He 
ordered  a  strict  investigation,  and  seven  of  the  ring- 
leaders were  hung. 

The  Emperor  of  Austria  had  preserved  a  neutrality 
up  to  this  time ;  but  on  the  30th  of  June  he  announced 
his  intention  to  march  an  army  into  Little  Poland, 
"  to  prevent  by  this  step  all  danger  to  which  the 
frontiers  of  Gallicia  might  be  exposed,  as  well  as  to 
ensure  the  safety  and  tranquillity  of  the  states  of  his 
imperial  majesty."!  The  Austrians  entered  Poland 
accordingly  without  opposition,  but  offered  not  the 
least  molestation  to  the  Poles.  The  invasion,  how- 
ever peaceful,  was  only  like  a  "  shadow  before"  of 
"  coming  events." 

In  the  mean  time  the  Prussians  and  Russians  con- 
tinued to  approach  Warsaw,  at  the  distance  of  three 
leagues  from  which  Kosciusko  was  encamped,  at  a 
place  called  Pracka-Wola.  It  was  here  that  one  of 
his  brothers  in  arms,  and  who  has  recorded  the  events 
of  this  portion  of  his  glorious  career,  found  him  sleep- 
ing on  straw.  The  picture  he  draws  of  this  great 
man  in  his  camp  is  an  interesting  view  of  the  hero 
who  upheld  the  fate  of  Poland.  "  We  passed,"  says 
Count  Oginski,{  "  from  Kosciusko's  tent  to  a  table 
prepared  under  some  trees.  The  frugal  repast  which 
we  made  heie  among  about  a  dozen  guests  will 

*  Memoires  de  Michel  Oginski,  aur  la  Pologne  et  les  Polonais  depuis 
1788,  jusqu'a  fin  de  1815,  vol.  i.  p.  460. 
t  Proclamation  of  the  30th  of  June, 
j  Memoires  sur  la  Pologne  et  les  Polonai*. 

z 


266  HISTORY    OF   POLAND. 

never  be  effaced  from  my  memory.  The  presence 
of  this  great  man,  who  has  excited  the  admiration  of 
all  Europe ;  who  was  the  terror  of  his  enemies  and 
the  idol  of  the  nation ;  who,  raised  to  the  rank  of 
generalissimo,  had  no  ambition  but  to  serve  his  coun- 
try and  fight  for  it ;  who  always  preserved  an  un- 
assuming, affable,  and  mild  demeanour ;  who  never 
wore  any  distinguishing  mark  of  the  supreme  au- 
thority with  which  he  was  invested ;  who  was  con- 
tented with  a  surtout  of  coarse  gray  cloth,  and  whose 
table  was  as  plainly  furnished  as  that  of  a  subaltern 
officer ;  could  not  fail  to  awaken  in  me  every  senti- 
ment of  esteem,  admiration,  and  veneration,  which 
I  have  sincerely  felt  for  him  at  every  period  of  my 
life." 

The  enemy  continued  to  advance  towards  Warsaw, 
and  encamped  near  Wola,*  a  league  from  the  city. 
They  were  50,000  strong,  40,000  Prussians  and 
10,000  Russians.  The  city  had  been  hastily  fortified 
at  the  commencement  of  the  insurrection,  and  with 
the  protection  of  Kosciusko's  army  resisted  all  the 
enemy's  attacks.  The  first  serious  combat  took 
place  on  the  27th  of  July,  and  was  repeated  on  the 
1st  and  3d  of  August,  when  the  Prussians  attempted 
to  bombard  the  town,  but  not  a  house  was  injured. 
On  the  2d  Frederic  William  wrote  to  Stanislas, 
recommending  him  to  use  his  influence  to  induce  the 
inhabitants  to  surrender;  to  which  the  King  of  Poland 
answered,  that  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  do  so  while 
Kosciusko's  army  lay  between  Warsaw  and  the 
enemy.  The  same  spirit  of  patriotism,  however,  did 
not  animate  all  the  Poles;  but  it  is  satisfactory, 
though  apparently  singular  on  the  first  appearance, 
to  find  that  the  defaulters  in  the  good  cause  were 
chiefly  rich  capitalists,  men  who  in  Poland  at  that 
time  had  scarcely  a  thought  beyond  stock-jobbing. 
But  these  malecontents  formed  only  a  small  portion 

*  The  famous  field  of  election  is  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of 
this  place. 


SUCCESS    OF    THE    POLES.  267 

of  the  people,  and  were  obliged  to  cherish  their 
opinions  and  wishes  in  secret.  On  the  16th  of 
August,  General  Dombrowski,  who  had  lately  had 
some  advantage  in  skirmishes  with  the  Russians  at 
Czerniakow,  attacked  them  a  second  time,  but  was 
obliged  to  retire.  This  was  followed  by  many  warm 
actions,  in  which  Dombrowski,  Prince  Joseph  Ponia- 
towski,  Pozinski,  and  many  others  eminently  distin- 
guished themselves.  The  hottest  affair  took  place 
in  the  night  of  the  28th.  Dombrowski  was  attacked, 
while  at  the  same  time  General  Zajonczek  was  ad- 
vancing his  troops  against  the  Prussian  army.  The 
courage  and  patriotism  of  the  Poles  predominated  on 
this  occasion.  In  the  night  of  the  5th  of  September 
the  Prussians  and  Russians  made  a  sudden  and  un- 
expected retreat,  with  so  much  precipitation  that 
they  left  the  wounded  and  sick,  as  well  as  a  great 
portion  of  their  baggage. 

This  sudden  retreat  of  the  King  of  Prussia,  with  a 
superior  army  of  40,000  men,  appeared  at  first  so  un- 
accountable, that  even  Kosciusko  imagined  it  was  a 
feint,  and  would  not  allow  his  troops  to  pursue  them ; 
but  the  real  cause  was  the  news  that  insurrections 
had  broken  out  in  the  Polish  provinces  which  had 
been  recently  annexed  to  Prussia.  The  Prussian 
yoke  was  even  more  galling  to  the  Poles  than  that 
of  Russia,  on  many  accounts.  In  all  his  new  prov- 
inces Frederic  William  had  introduced  German  jaws, 
and  even  went  so  far  as  to  oblige  his  vanquished 
subjects  to  learn  the  language  of  their  victors ;  so 
that  the  Poles  foresaw  that  even  the  very  traces  of 
the  Polish  nation  were  to  be  erased  from  the  face  of 
the  earth.*  The  inhabitants  of  Great  Poland  had 
not  been  deaf  to  the  call  of  their  brethren  of  Cracow 
and  Warsaw ;  Mniewski,  castellan  of  Kuiawia,  and 
other  leading  men,  had  found  means  to  open  a  com- 
munication with  the  patriots  at  the  very  commence- 

*  See  Memoires  de  Michel  Oginski,  vol.  ii.  p.  12,  &o. 


268  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

ment  of  the  revolution,  and  had  even  contrived  to 
form  magazines  of  arms  and  ammunition  in  some 
retired  woods  during  the  space  of  five  months,  with 
such  circumspection  that  not  the  slightest  suspicion 
was  excited.  On  the  23d  of  August,  when  most  of 
the  Prussian  troops  were  engaged  in  the  siege  of 
Warsaw,  and  but  weak  garrisons  were  left  in  the 
Polo-Prussian  towns,  a  small  body  of  confederates, 
having  assembled  in  a  wood  near  Sieradz,  attacked 
the  Prussian  guard,  seized  the  magazines,  and  re- 
mained masters  of  the  town.  The  insurrection  be- 
came general  in  a  few  days ;  the  palatinates  of  Kaliz 
and  Posen  joined  the  confederacy  by  the  25th,  and 
Mniewski  with  a  handful  of  heroes  marched  to 
Wloclawek,  a  town  on  the  Vistula  in  the  palatinate 
of  Brzesc-Kuiawski,  where  he  seized  thirteen  large 
barks  laden  with  ammunition,  designed  for  the  siege 
of  Warsaw.  These  bold  examples  were  imitated  in 
the  other  palatinates ;  the  spirit  of  patriotism  began 
to  evince  itself  even  in  the  heart  of  Dantzig,  and  one 
of  the  patriotic  detachments  penetrated  as  far  as 
Silesia. 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  which  called  Frederic 
William  from  the  siege  of  Warsaw.  His  ministers 
and  officers  prompted  him*  to  take  the  most  severe 
measures  to  reduce  the  patriots ;  in  the  execution  of 
which  Colonel  Szekuby  signalized  himself  by  exces- 
sive barbarity ;  but  this  cruelty  only  served  to  render 
their  tyrants  the  more  odious  in  the  sight  of  the 
Poles,  and  to  animate  them  in  their  battle  of  freedom. 

Kosciusko  sent  Dombrowski  with  a  considerable 
number  of  troops  to  second  the  insurgents ;  and  so 
admirably  did  he  perform  his  orders,  that  by  the 
middle  of  September  all  Great  Poland,  except  a  few 
towns,  was  in  the  possession  of  the  patriots. 

The  good  cause  was  not  thriving  so  prosperously 
in  Lithuania ;  Wilna  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
Russians  on  the  12th  of  August,  and  nearly  all  the 


KOSCIUSKO    TAKEN    PRISONER.  269 

rest  of  the  province  soon  shared  the  same  fate. 
Catharine,  to  crush  the  revolution,  ordered  her  gene- 
ral, Suwarow,  to  march  from  the  frontiers  of  Turkey 
towards  Warsaw;  and  on  the  16th  of  September  he 
attacked  a  body  of  the  Polish  army  at  Krupczyce,  a 
little  village  to  the  east  of  Brzesc-Litewski,  and  drove 
them  towards  this  latter  place.  The  attack  was  re- 
newed on  the  following  day,  when  the  patriots  were 
overpowered  by  superior  forces,  and  many  were 
taken  prisoners. 

This  unfortunate  defeat  laid  open  the  road  to  War- 
saw, so  that  Kosciusko  was  obliged  to  advance  to 
support  the  flying  army.  He  proceeded  to  Grodno, 
and  having  appointed  Mokranowski  commander  of 
the  Lithuanian  army,  he  returned  to  prevent  the 
junction  of  Suwarow  with  Fersen,  who  headed  the 
other  Russian  corps. 

The  10th  of  October  was  the  decisive  day;  Kos- 
ciusko attacked  Fersen,  near  Macieiowice.  The 
battle  was  bloody  and  fatal  to  the  patriots ;  victory 
was  wavering,  and  Poninski,  who  was  expected 
every  minute  with  a  reinforcement,  not  arriving, 
Kosciusko,  at  the  head  of  his  principal  officers,  made 
a  grand  charge  into  the  midst  of  the  enemy.  He  fell 
covered  with  wounds,  and  all  his  companions  were 
killed  or  taken  prisoners.  His  inseparable  friend, 
the  amiable  poet,  Niemcewicz,  was  among  the  latter 
number.  The  great  man  lay  senseless  among  the 
dead;  but  at  length  he  was  recognised  notwithstand- 
ing the  plainness  of  his  uniform,  and  was  found  still 
breathing.  His  name  even  now  commanded  respect 
from  the  Cossacks,  some  of  whom  had  been  going  to 
plunder  him ;  they  immediately  formed  a  litter  with 
their  lances  to  carry  him  to  the  general,  who  ordered 
his  wounds  to  be  dressed  and  treated  him  with  the 
respect  he  merited.  As  soon  as  he  was  able  to  travel 
he  was  conveyed  to  Petersburg,  where  Catharine 
condemned  this  noble  patriot  to  end  his  days  in 
Z2 


270  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

prison.*  Clemency,  indeed,  was  not  to  be  expected 
from  a  woman  who  had  murdered  her  husband. 

Such  was  the  termination  of  Kosciusko's  glorious 
career.  The  news  of  his  captivity  spread  like  light- 
ning to  Warsaw,  and  every  one  received  it  as  the  an- 
nouncement of  the  country's  fall.  "  It  may  appear 
incredible,"  says  Count  Oginski,  "but  I  can  attest 
what  I  have  seen,  and  what  a  number  of  witnesses 
can  certify  with  me,  that  many  women  miscarried  at 
the  tidings ;  many  invalids  were  seized  with  burning 
fevers ;  some  fell  into  fits  of  madness  which  never 
after  left  them;  and  men  and  women  were  seen  in 
the  streets  wringing  their  hands,  beating  their  heads 
against  the  walls,  arid  exclaiming  in  tones  of  despair, 
4  Kosciusko  is  no  more  ;  the  country  is  lost !' " 

In  fact,  the  Poles  seemed  all  paralyzed  by  this  blow : 
the  national  council,  indeed,  appointed  Wawrzecki 
successor  to  Kosciusko,  but  they  despaired  of  being 
able  to  withstand  the  Russians,  and  limited  their 
hopes  and  exertions  to  prevent  Warsaw  from  being 
taken  by  assault ;  for  which  purpose  they  ordered  the 
troops  to  concentre  near  the  city.  They  fortified 
Praga,  one  of  the  suburbs  of  Warsaw,  which  was 
separated  from  the  city  by  the  Vistula,  and  was  most 
exposed  to  attack.  Every  individual,  indiscrimi- 
nately, was  employed  in  the  works.  Suwarow, 
hearing  that  the  King  of  Prussia  was  advancing 
towards  Warsaw,  did  not  choose  to  have  his  prey 
taken  out  of  his  mouth;  and  hastened  with  forced 
marches,  joined  Fersen,  attacked  the  Poles  on  the 
26th  of  October  before  Praga,  and  drove  them  into 
their  intrenchments. 

The  batteries  of  Praga  mounted  more  than  100 
cannon,  and  the  garrison  was  composed  of  the  flower 
of  the  Polish  army.  On  the  4th  of  November,  Su- 
warow ordered  an  assault,  and  the  fortification  was 
carried  after  some  hours'  hard  fighting.  Suwarow, 

*  On  the  death  of  Catharine,  as  will  be  mentioned  hereafter,  he  ob- 
tained his  liberty. 


RUSSIAN   AND   PRUSSIAN   BARBARITY.        271 

the  butcher  of  Ismail,  a  fit  general  for  an  imperial 
assassin,  was  at  the  head  of  the  assailants,  and  his 
very  name  announces  a  barbarous  carnage.  Eight 
thousand  Poles  perished  sword  in  hand,  and  the  Rus- 
sians, having  set  fire  to  the  bridge,  cut  off  the  retreat 
of  the  inhabitants.  Above  12,000  townspeople,  old 
men,  women,  and  children,  were  murdered  in  cold 
blood ;  and  to  fill  the  measure  of  their  iniquity  and 
barbarity,  the  Russians  fired  the  place  in  four  dif- 
ferent parts,  and  in  a  few  hours  the  whole  of  Praga, 
inhabitants  as  well  as  houses,  was  a  heap  of  ashes. 

The  council,  finding  that  Warsaw  could  not  be 
defended  any  longer,  capitulated  on  the  6th  of  No- 
vember ;  many  of  the  soldiers  were  obliged  to  lay 
down  their  arms,  and  the  Russian  troops  entered  the 
city.  The  authors  of  the  revolution,  the  generals 
and  soldiers  who  refused  to  disarm,  had  quitted 
Warsaw ;  but  being  pursued  by  Fersen,  many  were 
killed  or  dispersed,  and  the  rest  surrendered  on 
the  18th. 

All  the  patriots  of  consequence  who  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Russians  were  immured  in  the  prisons 
of  Petersburg,  or  sent  to  Siberia.  Ignatius  Potocki, 
Mbstowski,  Kapustas,  and  Kalinski  were  among  the 
captives.  Their  treatment,  however,  was  not  so 
cruel  as  it  has  been  frequently  represented;  Kos- 
ciusko's  prison,  for  instance,  was  a  comfortable  suite 
of  rooms  where  he  beguiled  his  time  with  reading  and 
drawing:  Potocki  was  equally  well  lodged,  and 
amused  himself  with  gazing  at  the  passers-by  from 
his  windows.  This  was  not,  indeed,  an  exact  ob- 
servance of  the  article  of  capitulation, "  We  promise 
a  general  amnesty  for  all  that  is  passed,"*  but  it  was 
the  very  acme  of  honour,  compared  with  the  general 
tenor  of  Russia's  conduct  towards  Poland. 

The  King  of  Prussia,  as  vengeful  as  the  weak  and 
bad  generally  are  when  in  power,  was  less  merciful 

*  Sixth  ankle  of  the  capitulation. 


272  HISTORY   OF    POLAND.  f 

even  than  Suwarow.  He  appointed  a  commission  to 
judge  and  punish  those  who  had  been  concerned  in 
the  insurrection,  as  if  they  were  bondjide  his  own 
subjects.  Many  patriots,  too,  who  were  so  unfor- 
tunate as  to  fall  into  the  Prussian's  hands,  were 
doomed  to  pine  in  the  fortresses  of  Glogau,  Magde- 
burg, Breslaw,  &c. ;  and  Madalinski  was  one  of  these. 
Austria  buried  some  of  the  patriots  in  her  prisons  of 
Olmutz,  thus  consummating  the  triumph  of  bar- 
barism. 

On  the  24th  of  October,  1795,  the  treaty  for  the 
third  partition  of  Poland  was  concluded;  but  the 
arrangement  between  Prussia  and  Austria,  as  to  the 
limits  of  the  palatinate  of  Cracow,  was  not  settled  till 
the  21st  of  October,  1796. 

By  this  third  and  last  partition  Russia  acquired  the 
remaining  portion  of  Lithuania,  and  a  great  part  of 
Samogitia,  part  of  Chelm  on  the  right  of  the  Bug, 
and  the  rest  of  Volhynia.  Austria  obtained  the 
greater  part  of  the  palatinate  of  Cracow,  the  pala- 
tinates of  Sandomir  and  Lublin,  with  a  part  of  the 
district  of  Chelm,  and  the  parts  of  the  palatinates  of 
Brzesc,  Polachia,  and  Masovia  which  lay  along  the 
left  bank  of  the  Bug.  Prussia  had  the  portions  of 
the  palatinates  of  Masovia  and  Polachia  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  Bug ;  in  Lithuania,  part  of  the  palatinate 
of  Troki  and  Samogitia,  which  is  on  the  left  bank  of 
the  Niemen ;  and  a  district  of  Little  Poland  forming 
part  of  the  palatinate  of  Cracow.  Thus  the  banks 
of  the  Pili§a,  the  Vistula,  the  Bug,  and  the  Niemen 
marked  out  the  frontiers  of  Russia,  Prussia,  and 
Austria.  Such  was  the  result  of  the  glorious  but 
unfortunate  revolution  of  1 794.  The  want  of  success 
is  to  be  attributed  to  uncontrollable  circumstances ; 
some,*  indeed,  think  that  Kosciusko's  mildness  was 
one  of  the  causes  which  in  the  first  instance  ener- 
vated the  confederacy;  but  perhaps  more  is  to  be 

*  "  L'exc^s  de  la  douceur  etoit  le  defaut  de  Kosciusko." — Hist, par  un 
Temoin  Oculaire. 


STANISLAS    ABDICATES.  273 

imputed  to  his  emancipating  the  serfs,  and  enrolling 
them  among  his  troops,  a  step  which  was  obstinately 
and  selfishly  opposed  by  many  of  the  rich  nobles. 
None,  however,  can  deny  that  this  great  and  good 
man  acted  up  to  every  tittle  of  his  oath.  "  I,  Thadeus 
Kosciusko,  swear  to  the  Polish  nation,  in  presence  of 
the  Supreme  Being,  that  I  will  never  employ  the 
power  which  has  been  intrusted  to  me  against  any 
citizen ;  but  that  I  will  exert  it  only  to  defend  the 
integrity  of  my  country,  to  recover  the  national  inde- 
pendence, and  to  strengthen  the  general  liberty  of 
the  nation!"* 

Stanislas  Augustus  was  thus  left  without  a  king- 
dom ;  the  Russian  ambassador  obliged  him  to  go  to 
Grodno,  where  he  signed  a  formal  act  of  abdication 
on  the  25th  of  November,  and  accepted  an  annual 
pension  of  200,000  ducats,  which  was  ensured  to  him 
by  the  three  powers,  with  the  promise  that  his  debts 
also  should  be  paid.  On  the  death  of  Catharine, 
which  happened  in  November,  1796,  he  went  to  Pe- 
tersburg, where  he  ended  his  unhappy  and  dishonour- 
able life  on  the  12th  of  February,  1798. 

Harsh  and  uncharitable  as  the  world  is,  even  the 
most  unworthy  and  degenerate  generally  find  some 
few  so  merciful  as  either  from  warmth  of  heart  or 
fellow-feeling  to  defend  them;  and  it  would  be 
strange  if  Stanislas  had  not  some  panegyrists.  But, 
disagreeable  as  is  the  office  of  the  moral  censor,  the 
character  of  Stanislas,  being  wound  up  with  the 
destinies  of  a  nation,  ought  not  to  pass  by  unnoticed. 
Stanislas  stands  in  the  usual  predicament  of  kings 
and  prominent  personages,  between  flattering  ad- 
mirers and  severe  detracters.  The  usual  course,  in 
such  a  case,  is  to  measure  the  evil  with  the  good  and 
take  the  mean  between  them ;  but  this,  though  the 
readiest  mode  of  arriving  at  a  result,  is  not  the  surest, 
since  it  proceeds  on  the  presumption  of  the  truth  both 

*  This  was  the  oath  he  took  at  Cracow. 


274  HISTORY   OF   POLAND. 

of  the  favourable  and  unfavourable  statements.  In 
the  present  instance  the  estimate  need  not  be  merely 
speculative,  since  there  are  abundant  data  on  wfcich 
to  calculate.  The  warmest  panegyrists  of  this  unfor- 
tunate king  venture  no  further  in  their  praises  than 
to  give  him  credit  for  good  intentions  in  policy,  and 
to  plead  his  patronage  of  learning  and  the  arts  as  a 
palliation  for  his  political  errors.  With  regard  to  the 
first  excuse,  it  may  be  remarked,  that  moral  weak- 
ness or  imbecility  is  no  more  admissible  as  an  excuse 
for  error  than  recklessness  of  character,  since  the 
latter  is  equally  constitutional  as  the  former.  The 
second  plea  requires  more  investigation.  It  is  cus- 
tomary to  attribute  to  Stanislas  the  advance  in 
learning  and  education  which  decidedly  evinced 
itself  in  his  reign ;  but  while  we  admit  his  talent  and 
taste  for  the  trifles  of  literature  and  art,  which  is  the 
utmost  that  can  be  proved,  we  must  observe  that  the 
grand  impetus  to  intellectual  improvement  was  not 
given  by  Stanislas.  He  certainly  spent  not  only  his 
revenue,  which  was  considerable,  but  contracted 
great  debts,  which  were  twice  paid  by  the  state ;  but 
it  was  mostly  on  frivolous  writers,  bad  painters,  and 
loose  women,  that  those  sums  were  expended.  The 
progress  of  education  and  liberal  inquiry  is  to  be 
attributed  to  Konarski  and  his  coadjutors,  and  the 
commission  of  education  also,  which  was  appointed 
by  the  diet,  comes  in  for  a  share  of  the  credit. 
Poniatowski,  indeed,  patronised  great  men  in  litera- 
ture and  the  arts ;  but  the  effect  of  such  patronage 
is  at  best  of  doubtful  benefit;  and  the  merit  of 
the  patron  is  of  a  negative  character,  being  so  mixed 
up  with  vanity  and  love  of  notoriety.  It  has  been 
said  by  Rulhiere,  who  has  been  pronounced  "  one  of 
the  most  interesting  and  sagacious  of  modern  his- 
torians,"* that  "no  magnanimity,  no  strength 
appeared  in  his  character ;  that  he  only  thought  of 

*  Edinburgh  Review,  January,  1814.- 


POLISH    PATRIOTS   IN   EXILE.  27 

becoming  a  patron  of  all  the  arts  of  luxury,  and  par- 
ticularly to  cultivate  little  objects  of  this  nature,  to 
which  he  attached  the  highest  consequence."  His 
panegyrist  could  only  assume  that  he  was  not  one 
of  the  chief  causes  of  his  country's  annihilation,  but 
cannot  deny  that  no  monarch  could  have  been  more 
suited  to  produce  such  an  unfortunate  effect;  and 
though  his  censor  might  admit  the  truth  of  his  asser- 
tion, "  I  have  always  wished  for  the  happiness  of  my 
country,  and  I  have  only  caused  it  misfortune  !"*  he 
would  remind  the  royal  criminal  that  even  "  hell  is 
paved  with  good  intentions." 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Polish  Patriots  at  Paris  and  Venice — The  French  Directory  promise 
Assistance — Polish  Confederacy  at  Paris— Oginski  sent  to  Constanti- 
nople— Buonaparte's  Letter  to  Oginski — Polish  Confederacy  in  Wala- 
chia  broken  up— The  Emperor  Paul,  on  his  Accession,  liberates  the 
Polish  captives — Kosciusko— Polish  Legions ;  in  Lombardy ;  at  Rome 
— Suwarow,  in  Italy,  defeats  the  Second  Legion— Battle  of  Novi— 
Legion  of  the  Danube — Legions  perish  in  St.  Domingo— War  declared 
between  France  and  Prussia — The  French  enter  Warsaw — Treaty  of 
Tilsit — Grand-dutchy  of  Warsaw — Frederic  Augustus — New  Con- 
stitution—Diet of  1809— War  with  Austria— The  Austrians  enter 
Warsaw— Prince  Poniatowski  invades  Gallicia— Retreat  of  the  Aus 
trians— Part  of  Gallicia,  &c.  added  to  the  Grand-dutchy. 

NEVER  was  there  a  period  in  modern  history  when 
the  door  of  hospitality  was  so  sternly  closed  by  most 
European  nations  against  the  unfortunate  sons  of 
liberty,  as  when  the  Polish  patriots  of  the  revolution 
of  1794  were  exiled  from  their  homes.  The  abuses 
of  the  French  revolutionists  had  brought  their  cause 
into  discredit  even  among  those  who  had  at  first 
been  their  most  zealous  defenders;  and  as  the 
generality  of  mankind  take  impressions  for  opinions, 

*  Oginski's  M6moires,  vol.  ii.  p  3-27 


276  HISTORY    OF   POLAND. 

and  accidental  associations  of  ideas  for  reasoning, 
they  began  to  annex  an  opprobious  meaning  to  the 
very  name  of  liberty.  Many  Englishmen,  who  had 
lately  been  so  warm  in  their  admiration  of  the  Polish 
patriots,  began  to  think,  and  even  argue,  that  it  was 
better  for  them  to  enjoy  peace  under  any  yoke  than 
to  prolong  the  struggle  for  independence.  England, 
too,  soon  followed  in  the  path  which  had  been  marked 
out  by  Frederic  William,  the  Emperor  of  Austria, 
and  the  Duke  of  Brunswick,*  to  chastise  the  stubborn 
recusants  of  legitimate  monarchy.  France  was 
almost  the  only  government  where  liberty  was 
heartily  cherished ;  for  in  spite  of  all  the  jacobinism, 
bloodshed,  and  anarchy,  the  spirit  of  independence 
retained  its  existence  there.  It  must  be  remem- 
bered, however,  to  use  Buonaparte's  words,  that  that 
nation  "  Had  eighteen  ages  of  prejudice  to  conquer;'' 
and  such  a  victory  was  not  to  be  gained  without 
great  sacrifices  and  much  revulsion  of  feeling.  To 
France,  then,  the  expatriated  Poles  looked  for  aid ; 
the  country  which  had  "  promised  assistance  to  all 
nations  which  revolted  to  obtain  liberty  and  equal- 
ity,"! could  not  turn  a  deaf  ear  to  those  who  had 
such  strong  claims  on  their  protection. 

All  the  Polish  nobles  who  had  escaped  the  dun- 
geons of  the  three  partitioning  powers,  hastened 
either  to  Venice  or  Paris.  Francis  Barss,  the  Polish 
agent  employed  in  the  capital  by  the  late  govern- 
ment, was  still  resident  there ;  and  by  his  means  a 
confederacy  was  formed,  which  maintained  a  regular 
correspondence  with  a  similar  society  at  Venice. 
The  French  ambassador  at  the  latter  place  assured 
the  Poles  of  the  protection  of  his  government,  and 
even  offered  them  a  room  under  his  roof  for  their 
assemblies. 

*  See  the  Declaration  addressed  by  the  Duke  of  Brunswick  to  the 
people  of  France.— Segur's  Decade  Historique,  Pieces  Justificatives 
vol.  ii.  p.  358. 

t  Decade  Hist.,  vol.  ii.  p.  123. 


POLISH   CONFEDERACY   AT    PARIS.  277 

The  treaty  of  peace  which  was  signed  on  the  5th 
of  April,  1795,  at  Bale,  between  France  and  the  King 
of  Prussia,  did  not  augur  any  great  sincerity  on  the 
side  of  the  French  ministers  in  their  assurances  to 
the  Poles.  They  persuaded  Barss,  however,  that  it 
was  only  temporary,  and  that  no  mention  of  Poland 
being  made  in  the  treaty,  they  did  not  give  their 
sanction  to  Frederic  William's  usurpation. 

The  confederacy  at  Paris,  with  the  advice  and 
protection  of  the  French  ministers,  commissioned 
Count  Oginski  to  proceed  to  Constantinople  to  nego- 
tiate with  the  divan  in  favour  of  the  Poles,  in  con- 
junction with  the  French  ambassador.*  The  con- 
federates appointed  a  commission  of  five  persons  to 
transact  their  affairs,  and  obtained  a  promise  from 
the  minister  at  Paris  to  furnish  the  Poles  with  arms, 
and  use  his  influence  to  raise  a  loan  at  Constanti- 
nople of  fifty  millions  of  piastres.  In  the  beginning 
of  1796  they  sent  emissaries  into  Lithuania  and 
Gallicia  to  form  new  confederacies  to  co-operate 
with  that  at  Paris.  The  inhabitants  of  Gallicia  had 
already  drawn  up  an  act  of  confederacy,  on  the  6th 
of  January,  1796,  which  they  forwarded  to  France. 
Above  2000  Polish  soldiers  of  all  ranks  assembled 
in  Walachia  and  Moldavia,  and  their  meetings  were 
connived  at  by  the  Turkish  government ;  this  privi- 
lege, however,  was  the  chief  advantage  obtained  by 
Oginski's  mission  and  the  interest  of  Aubert-du- 
Bayet,  the  French  ambassador. 

Oginski  relates  the  following  curious  anecdote 
respecting  Aubert-du-Bayet.  "  On  the  evening  of 
the  same  day,  21st  of  October,  1796,  we  went  to 
take  a  walk  al  Campo  dei  Morti.  Aubert-du-Bayet, 
separating  himself  from  his  suite,  and  taking  me  by 
the  arm,  examined  attentively  the  sepulchral  stones 
which  covered  the  cemeteries  of  the  Turks  and  the 

*  The  instructions  to  Oginski  were  formally  signed  by  twenty  of  the 
principal  confederates  at  Paris.  Their  meetings  were  held  at  the  Hdtel 
Diesbaeh. 

Aa 


278  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

Armenians ;  and  told  me  that  he  was  looking  for  a 
place  for  his  grave,  for  he  was  sure  he  should  end 
his  life  at  Constantinople.  After  having  walked  a 
long  time,  he  said  to  me  that  he  could  not  find  in  the 
whole  of  that  place  a  fit  spot  in  which  to  deposite 
his  body;  and  that  he  should  prefer- to  be  buried  in 
the  court  of  the  Hotel  de  France,  near  the  tree  of 
liberty  which  was  planted  there.  I  joked  him  on 
this  presentiment ;  but  he  did  not  cease  to  repeat 
that  he  should  die  at  Constantinople,  and  that  he 
should  not  live  more  than  a  year." 

"  This  presentiment  was  verified,  as  I  have  since 
learned  from  several  French  officers  whom  I  had 
known  at  Constantinople.  I  believe  that  Aubert- 
du-Bayet  died  very  nearly  on  the  anniversary  of  the 
day  which  I  have  just  mentioned."* 

The  reader  will  recognise  a  striking  resemblance 
between  this  tale  and  a  prose  fragment  written  by 
Byron,  which  Polidori  is  said  to  have  made  use  of. 

Buonaparte  was  at  this  time  at  the  head  of  the 
army  in  Italy,  engaged  against  the  Austrians.  Sul- 
kowski,  a  Pole,  was  one  of  his  aids-de-camp,  and 
he  particularly  recommended  the  confederates  to 
interest  the  general  in  their  favour.  If  that  could  be 
effected,  he  said,  our  hopes  for  the  re-establishment 
of  Poland  would  no  longer  be  doubtful;  for  the 
general  enjoys  already  the  full  confidence  of  the 
French  nation,  and  cannot  fail  to  be  some  day  at  the 
head  of  the  government.  On  receiving  a  letter  from 
Oginski  on  the  subject,  Buonaparte  reflected  some 
time,  and  said  to  his  aid-de-camp,  "What  must  I 
answer]  What  can  I  promise] — \Vrite  to  your 
fellow-patriot  that  I  love  the  Poles,  and  esteem  them 
much — that  the  partition  of  Poland  is  an  act  of 
iniquity  which  cannot  be  defended — that  after  having 
finished  the  war  in  Italy,  I  will  go  myself  at  the 
head  of  the  French  to  oblige  the  Russians  to  restore 

*  See  Oginski,  vol.  ii.  p.  228. 


PROJECTS  OF  THE  POLES.        279 

Poland ;  but  tell  him  also  that  the  Poles  must  not 
depend  on  foreign  help,  that  they  must  arm  them- 
selves, annoy  the  Russians,  and  keep  up  a  commu- 
nication in  the  interior  of  the  country.  All  the  fine 
promises  which  will  be  made  them  will  amount  to 
nothing.  I  know  the  diplomatic  language  and  the 
indolence  of  the  Turks.  A  nation  which  has  been 
crushed  by  its  neighbours  cannot  be  restored  but  by 
sword  in  hand." 

The  Poles,  assembled  in  Walachia  and  Moldavia, 
began  to  be  impatient  to  make  an  incursion  into 
Gallicia,  under  the  command  of  Dambrowski.*  To 
this  they  were  instigated  also  by  the  French  ambas- 
sador at  Constantinople,  who  sent  General  Cara- 
Saint-Cyr  to  join  them.  His  object  was  to  make  a 
diversion  of  the  Austrians  from  Italy  in  favour  of  the 
French  army  under  Buonaparte.  He  defended  this 
rash  scheme,  by  quoting  from  Voltaire  the  lines — 

"  Un  heureux  temeraire 
Confond  en  agissant  celui  qui  delib^re." 

Oginski  left  Constantinople  without  deriving  any 
further  benefit  from  his  mission,  and  proceeded  to 
Bukarest,  the  head-quarters  of  the  Poles  in  Wala- 
chia, to  dissuade  them  from  their  mad  project.  He 
found  that  Dambrowski  had  caused  himself  to  be 
appointed  commander-in-chief  of  the  armies  of  Po- 
land and  Lithuania,  that  he  designed  to  penetrate 
into  Gallicia,  raise  contributions  and  recruits,  to  in- 
cite the  peasants  and  artisans  to  rise  by  proclaiming 
the  system  of  equality,  and  to  fill  his  ranks  with  all 
the  prisoners  in  the  Austrian  jails.  Oginski  forbade 
this  iniquitous  scheme  by  the  French  ambassador's 
authority,  and  recommended  the  Poles  to  do  nothing 
without  the  will  of  Cara-Saint-Cyr.  This  advice, 
however,  was  not  observed  ;  shortly  after,  about  a 
hundred  of  them,  headed  by  Denisko,  a  Pole,  who 

*  The  reader  must  distinguish  between  this  man  and  Dombrowski, 
who  signalized  himself  in  1794,  and  will  be  mentioned  again. 


280  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

had  accompanied  Oginski  and  was  left  by  him,  made 
an  irruption  into  Gallicia,  but  meeting  with  some 
Austrian  troops,  fifty  of  the  Poles  were  killed,  twelve 
were  taken  and  hung,  while  the  rest  escaped.  This 
absurd  expedition  is  supposed  to  have  been  under- 
taken at  the  instigation  of  the  French  ambassador, 
to  ascertain  what  troops  there  were  in  Gallicia.  It 
proved  fatal  to  the  confederacies  in  that  province, 
many  of  the  inhabitants  being  compromised,  all  of 
whom  were  detected,  laden  with  chains,  and  thrown 
into  prison.  The  design  being  thus  discovered,  the 
Poles  broke  up  their  assembly  in  Walachia,  and  dis- 
persed in  Poland,  France,  and  Italy. 

The  death  of  Catharine,  which  happened  on  the 
17th  of  November,  1796,  delivered  the  Poles  from 
one  of  their  most  detestable  tyrants.  Her  successor, 
the  emperor  Paul,  commenced  a  new  era  in  Russian 
history, — that  of  clemency.  His  behaviour  to  Kos- 
ciusko  was  almost  heroic :  he  went  to  see  him  in  his 
prison,  embraced  him  warmly,  and  told  him  that  he 
was  free.  The  emperor  also  proposed  to  present 
him  with  a  high  military  post  in  his  service :  this, 

k  however,  was  declined.  Paul  gave  him  1500  serfs 
and  12,000  roubles,  solely  as  a  testimony  of  regard ; 
but  Kosciusko  was  determined  to  go  to  America, 
and  returned  the  presents.  He  then  proceeded  by 
way  of  England*  to  the  new  world;  when,  having 

*  It  was  in  1798  that  he  touched  at  England  on  his  passage  to  America. 
He  staid  some  time  at  Bristol  in  the  house  of  M.  Vanderhort,  the  foreign 
consul,  where  Dr.  Warner  had  an  interview  with  him,  which  he  de- 
scribes in  his  "  Literary  Recollections,"  and  gives  a  pleasing  picture  of 
this  great  man. 

"  I  never  contemplated  a  more  interesting  human  figure  than  Kos- 
ciusko stretched  upon  his  couch.  His  wounds  were  still  unhealed,  and 
he  was  unable  to  sit  upright.  He  appeared  to  be  a  small  man,  spare 
and  delicate.  A  black  silk  bandage  crossed  his  fair  and  high,  but  some- 
what wrinkled,  forehead.  Beneath  it  his  dark  eagle  eye  sent  forth  a 
stream  of  light,  that  indicated  the  steady  flame  of  patriotism  which  still 
burned  within  his  soul ;  unquenched  by  disaster  and  wounds,  weak- 
ness, poverty,  and  exile.  Contrasted  with  its  brightness  was  the  pale- 
ness of  his  countenance,  and  the  wan  cast  of  every  feature.  He  spoke 
very  tolerable  English,  though  in  a  low  and  feeble  tone ;  but  his  conver- 
sation, .'epiete  with  fine  sense,  lively  remark,  and  sagacious  answers, 


KOSCIUSKO.  281 

spent  some  time  with  his  old  comrades,  he  came  to 
Paris  and  settled  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Fontaine- 
bleau.  All  the  rest  of  the  Poles  whom  Catharine 
had  left  to  pine  in  prison  were  also  set  at  liberty ; 
and  those  who  had  been  sent  to  Siberia,  amounting 
nearly  to  12,000,  were  allowed  to  return  to  their 
homes.  Kindness  and  clemency  are  more  formida- 
ble weapons  in  the  hands  of  an  enemy  than  the 
sword :  this  beneficence,  perhaps,  was  more  fatal  to 
Polish  independence  than  scores  of  Praga  butcheries, 
and  Paul  was  a  more  dangerous  enemy  to  the  lib- 
erty of  Poland  than  the  bloody  Suwarow.  Grati- 
tude kept  most  of  the  Poles  who  were  liberated  on 
an  honourable  parole ;  and  even  the  rest  of  the  pa- 
triots whose  possessions  lay  in  the  Russian  domain 
began  to  abate  in  their  ardour,  now  that  those  two 
stimuli  were  removed,  self-interest  and  revenge  for 
the  actual  persecution  of  their  fellow-patriots.  Kos- 
ciusko  never  drew  his  sword  again. 

Prussia  also  had  discontinued  the  Polish  persecu- 
tion since  the  treaty  of  Bale,  and  liberated  her 
prisoners.  Frederic  William  even  proposed  to  fol- 
low the  advice  which  Dombrowski  had  given  him  in 
1796,  when  this  patriot  general  was  received  at  court 
with  other  Polish  officers,  and  the  king  asked  him 
if  the  Poles  were  satisfied,  and  what  was  their 
opinion  of  him.  To  this  Dombrowski  answered, 
that  the  Poles  would  have  nothing  to  desire  further, 
and  that  the  king  might  depend  on  their  fidelity  if 
he  would  place  one  of  his  sons  on  the  throne  of  Po- 
land, and  establish  the  constitutional  government. 

evinced  a  noble  understanding  and  a  cultivated  mind.  On  rising  to 
depart  I  offered  him  my  hand  :  he  took  it.  My  eyes  filled  with  tears ; 
and  he  gave  it  a  warm  grasp.  I  muttered  something  about  '  brighter 

Krospeets  and  happier  days  !'    He  faintly  smiled,  and  said  (they  were 
is  last  words  to  me), '  Ah !  sir,  he  who  devotes  himself  for  his  country 
must  not  look  for  his  reward  on  this  side  the  grave.' " — Dr.  Warner's 
Literary  Recollections,  vol.  ii.  p.  132. 

One  of  the  numbers  of  the  Gentleman's  Magazine  for  1817  (in  which 
year  Kosciusko  died)  contains  an  article  on  the  life  of  this  great  man, 
chiefly  extracted  from  the  Moniteur. 

Aa2 


282  HISTORY   OF   POLAND. 

The  king  made  no  remark  at  the  time,  but  it  is  said 
that  preparations  were  afterward  actually  made  to 
put  this  plan  into  execution.* 

The  Austrian  government,  on  the  contrary,  per- 
severed in  its  usual  grinding  policy,  and  did  not 
strike  off  a  single  link  from  the  Polish  chains. 
Their  prisons  were  still  rilled  with  patriots,  and  every 
day  fresh  victims  were  hung  up  like  scarecrows  to 
terrify  the  insurgents.  The  Poles,  notwithstanding, 
eagerly  flocked  to  join  the  ranks  of  the  French 
armies  who  were  fighting  these  inveterate  despots 
in  Italy. 

Dombrowski,  after  leaving  Berlin,  arrived  at  Paris 
in  September,  1796,  and  in  the  following  month  laid 
before  the  directory  a  plan  to  raise  a  Polish  legion 
of  refugees  to  serve  under  the  French  general  against 
their  common  enemies.  The  French  constitution, 
however,  did  not  allow  any  foreign  troops  to  be  taken 
into  pay,  but  the  directory  recommended  him  to  lay 
the  project  before  the  Cisalpine  republic  which  had 
been  lately  formed  in  Lombardy  by  Buonaparte. 
With  the  approbation  of  the  general,  an  agreement 

;was  accordingly  signed  at  Milan,  on  the  7th  of  Jan- 
uary, 1797,  with  the  provisional  government,  to  take 
the  Poles  into  pay.  These  troops  were  to  keep 
their  national  costume,  but  to  adopt  the  French 
cockade ;  their  motto  was  to  be,  Gli  uomini  liben 
sono  fratelli.  (Freemen  are  brothers.)  In  a  few 
weeks  1200  men  were  under  arms :  they  were  at  first 
formed  into  two  battalions,  but  two  more  were  soon 
added.  This  was  the  origin  of  the  famous  Polish 
legions.  They  began  their  career  in  March,  but 
their  first  service  was  not  the  most  honourable — to 
quell  the  insurrections  in  Lombardy.  The  Polish 
legion  came  in  for  a  share  of  the  censure  which 
many  writers  have  passed  on  this  portion  of  the 
service  of  the  army  of  Italy,  but  it  seems  that  much 

*  Oginski,  vol.  ii.  p.  270. 


POLISH   LEGIONS.  283 

more  might  be  urged  in  defence  of  this  duty  than 
could  be  advanced  for  many  military  affairs  which 
have  originated  nearer  home,  and  on  which  many 
persons  still  look  with  much  satisfaction.  The 
Poles,  at  any  rate,  had  no  reason  to  be  ashamed 
of  the  war  with  Austria;  there  was  much  affinity 
between  the  cause  in  which  their  allies  were  now 
fighting  and  that  which  had  been  their  own  in  1793 
— resistance  to  foreign  interference  with  domestic 
policy.  This  was  a  war,  too,  which  the  enemy  had 
begun  with  threatening  "  exemplary  and  ever-memo- 
rable vengeance,  by  giving  up  the  city  of  Paris  to 
a  military  execution,"  &c.*  The  invasion  of  Lom- 
bardy,  one  of  Austria's  strongholds,  needs  no  de- 
fence :  to  arm  the  Lombards  against  their  tyrants, 
and  for  their  own  freedom,  was  not  only  prudent  but 
generous  policy ;  and  to  attack  those  insurgents  who 
made  common  cause  with  the  Austrians,  equally 
with  the  enemy,  to  execute  the  leaders  of  revolt 
against  the  provisional  government,  were  certainly 
justifiable  steps,  and  surely  they  could  not  be  pro- 
nounced "  ferocious,"!  according  to  the  modern 
common-law  in  military  matters. 

The  Poles  showed,  if  not  their  approval  of  the 
French  cause,  at  least  so  much  animosity  against 
their  tyrants,  the  Austrians,  that  by  April  Dom- 
browski  had  5000  men  under  his  command.  About 
this  period  Charles  de  la  Croix,  the  French  minis- 
ter for  foreign  affairs,  proposed  to  Oginski  and  the 
Polish  confederates,  to  make  a  diversion  of  the  Aus 
trians  in  Gallicia ;  and  it  was  arranged  that  the  Polish 
legions  should  pass  into  Dalmatia  to  join  the  patriots 
who  were  then  in  Walachia,  and  invade  Hungary 
where  they  were  to  be  supported  by  the  French  emis- 
saries. J  The  Poles  even  allowed  the  directory  to  for- 

*  The  Duke  of  Brunswick's  intemperate  and  ridiculous  manifesto.— 
Bee  Scgur's  Decade,  Pieces  Justiflcatives,  vol  ii. ».  358. 
f  See  Family  Library,  No.  IV. 
j  Oginski,  vol.  U.p.278. 


284  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

ward  this  rash  plan  to  Buonaparte,  with  instruction  to 
put  it  into  execution ;  but  all  their  "  hopes  vanished," 
says  Oginski  (who,  en  passant,  was  not  one  of  the 
most  sanguine  Polish  patriots),  when  news  arrived 
that  the  preliminary  treaty  of  Leoben  was  signed 
on  the  18th  of  April,  1797.  The  Poles  had  borne 
the  treaty  of  Bale  with  murmurs,  but  this  peace  with 
Austria  was  "the  unkindest  cut  of  all;"  and  many 
of  them  now  doubted  of  assistance  from  France, 
and  began  to  consider  all  hopes  of  aid  from  that 
quarter  chimerical. 

The  Polish  legions  were,  however,  still  engaged 
in  Italy,  forming  part  of  the  corps  which  laid  low 
the  treacherous  and  tyrannical  oligarchy  of  Venice.* 

The  patriots  formed  the  plan  of  establishing  the 
constitutional  diet  of  1792  at  Man;  anct,  it  was 
proposed  that  it  should  consist  of  the  same  members, 
or  as  many  of  them  as  could  be  induced  to  join  it. 
Malachowski,  who  had  been  marshal,  readily  con- 
sented to  lend  his  sanction,  and  they  had  even  fixed 
on  a  palace  at  Milan  for  the  purpose.  The  two 
agents,  Narbutt  and  Kochanowski,  who  had  been 
sent  to  treat  with  the  patriots,  unfortunately  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  Austrians,  and  the  papers  found  on 
them  implicated  many  persons  within  cognizance  of 
the  court  of  Vienna,  and  another  series  of  persecu- 
tion was  the  only  fruit  of  this  ill-contrived  scheme. 
Malachowski  suffered  a  year's  imprisonment,  and 
then  had  to  pay  a  high  ransom  for  his  freedom. 

The  definite  treaty  of  Campo-Formio  signed  on 
the  3d  of  October,  1797,  was  sad  tidings  to  the  Poles. 
Dombrowski  requested  Buonaparte  to  allow  a  Polish 
commissioner  to  be  present  at  the  congress,  but  was 
answered,  that  "  the  prayers  of  every  friend  of  liberty 

*  The  Foreign  Quarterly  for  the  second  quarter  of  1831,  in  the  review 
of  the  "  History  of  the  Italian  Legions  in  Italy,"  is  very  severe  on  the 
Poles,  and  particularly  on  Dombrowski.  The  author  of  the  article 
seems  to  be  strongly  imbued  with  virulence.—"  Lettrc  de  Jean  Woy 
fyaski,  Polonais,  au  General  Dombrowski,  1798." 


GALLANTRY  OF  THE  POLES.       285 

were  for  the  brave  Poles,  but  that  only  time  and 
destiny  could  re-establish  them."  Buonaparte,  how- 
ever, always  expressed  the  highest  admiration  for 
the  bravery  of  the  Polish  legions.  One  evening,  after 
his  return  from  Italy  to  Paris,  he  was  present  at  a  fete, 
where  Count  Oginski  was  requested  to  play  a  march 
which  he  had  composed  for  these  patriots.  "  Come," 
said  Napoleon,  to  those  who  summoned  him,  "  let 
us  go  and  hear,  they  are  talking  of  the  Polish  legions : 
we  must  always  help  the  brave  Polish  legions,  for 
these  Poles  fight  like  devils." 

The  Polish  legions  were  now  the  representatives 
of  their  nation,  whose  very  name  would  almost 
have  been  forgotten,  had  they  not  so  frequently  and 
gloriously  reminded  Europe  of  the  existence  of  that 
proud  nation  of  cavaliers.  They  now  numbered 
nearly  8000  men,  divided  into  two  corps,  the  first 
commanded  by  Kniaziewicz,  the  second  by  Wiel- 
horski.  The  first  legion  was  employed  against  the 
pope  in  1798,  and  on  the  3d  of  May  Dombrowski 
marched  into  Rome.  He  obtained  the  trophies 
which  Sobieski  had  sent  to  Italy,  after  the  siege  of 
Vienna;  namely,  the  Turkish  standard  and  sabre 
which  had  been  deposited  at  Loretto.  The  flag 
afterward  always  accompanied  the  legions,  and  the 
sword  was  sent  to  him  who  was  most  worthy  to 
succeed  Sobieski, — Kosciusko. 

The  Poles  were  doomed  to  be  severe  sufferers  in 
the  next  campaign,  in  1799,  against  the  Russians  and 
Austrians.  The  allied  armies  of  Russia  and  Austria 
entered  Italy  under  the  command  of  the  savage  Su- 
warow.  The  second  legion  was  stationed  at  Man- 
tua, and  had  to  sustain  the  onset  of  their  old  tyrant 
and  butcher.  Out  of  nearly  4000  men  barely  one-half 
escaped  from  Mantua.  After  the  bloody  days  of  the 
26th  of  March  and  the  5th  of  April,  the  gallantry,  but 
ill  fortune  of  this  proud  remnant  of  the  second  legion, 
reduced  it  to  800.  Mantua  was  obliged  to  capitu- 
late on  the  28th  of  July,  and  a  secret  article  of  the 


286  HISTORY   OF    POLAND.  < 

treaty  promised  that  all  deserters  should  be  given 
up,  but  that  their  lives  were  to  be  spared.  The 
Austrians  immediately  seized  the  Poles,  and  obliged 
them  to  enter  their  ranks,  and  Wielhorski  was  sent 
a  prisoner  to  Austria.  Out  of  the  whole  of  the 
second  legion  only  150  escaped  to  France. 

The  first  legion's  service  was  equally  severe. 
After  marching  from  the  south  of  Italy  to  join  the 
army  in  the  north,  Dombrowski  obtained  the  com- 
mand of  the  left  wing.  On  the  17th  and  following 
days  the  bloody  affairs  of  Trebbia  took  place.  The 
Poles  were  now  brought  hand  to  hand  with  their  op- 
pressors, the  Russians,  and  Suwarow,  the  butcher 
of  Praga.  Their  fury  cost  them,  in  the  course  of 
these  days,  more  than  a  thousand  men.  The  battle 
of  Novi,  which  was  fought  on  the  15th  of  August, 
1799,  was  even  more  bloody  and  fatal  to  the  Poles; 
and  the  legion  was  almost  entirely  annihilated. 

After  the  conclusion  of  the  campaign  in  Septem- 
ber, the  few  survivors,  in  spite  of  their  late  reverses, 
resolved  to  raise  fresh  legions.  On  the  llth  of  No- 
vember, 1799,  the  famous  revolution  took  place 
which  raised  Buonaparte  to  the  consulship  of  France, 
and  the  laws  which  forbade  foreigners  to  serve  in 
the  French  army  being  abolished  by  the  new  consti- 
tution, Dombrowski  repaired  to  Paris,  and  obtained 
leave  to  raise  seven  new  battalions  of  infantry  and 
one  of  artillery,  to  be  entitled  the  First  Legion. 
Kniaziewicz  also  was  commissioned  to  raise  a  corps, 
partly  cavalry,  to  be  employed  under  Moreau  in  the 
army  of  the  Rhine.  By  October,  Dombrowski  led 
more  than  5000  men  to  Italy,  and  Kniaziewicz  at 
the  head  of  3500  marched  to  join  Moreau.  The  vic- 
tory of  Hohenlinden,  on  the  3d  of  December,  is  at- 
tributed in  a  great  measure  to  the  gallantry  of  "  the 
Polish  legion  of  the  Danube." 

The  peace  of  Luneville,  signed  on  the  9th  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1801,  ended  the  services  of  the  Polish  legions 
for  the  present.  The  legion  of  the  Danube  wa^ 


STRENGTH  OF  THE  POLES.        287 

ordered  to  Italy  to  join  that  of  Dombrowski,  and 
when  they  assembled  at  Milan  in  March,  1801,  they 
numbered  15,000.  But  the  peace  brought  no  ad- 
vantage to  the  Polish  patriots,  and  many  of  them, 
disgusted  with  what  they  thought  French  ingratitude, 
left  the  service.  The  remaining  portion  were  sent 
with  the  army  under  Leclerc  to  reduce  the  famous 
negro,  Toussaint,  and  the  black  insurgents  of  the 
island  of  St.  Domingo.  Jablonowski,  who  had  a 
brigade  in  the  last  campaign,  commanded  the  Poles, 
devoted  to  this  fatal  and  disgraceful  service.  Nearly 
the  whole  of  the  legion  perished  by  the  sword  or 
the  yellow  fever;  and  the  few  survivors  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  English,  and  were  obliged  to  serve  in 
Jamaica. 

Brighter  hopes  dawned  on  the  Poles  in  1806,  when 
Buonaparte  laid  low  one  of  their  tyrants,  Prussia. 
The  league  between  Russia  and  Prussia  against 
France  was  hailed  by  the  patriots ;  for  now  their  in- 
terests no  longer  clashed  with  their  allies,  but  the 
same  battle-field  would  serve  for  the  Poles  to  fight 
for  their  emancipation,  and  for  Buonaparte  to  crush 
his  enemies.  Napoleon  •  felt  what  powerful  allies 
the  Poles,  fighting  for  liberty,  would  be  against 
Russia  and  Prussia,  and  used  many  arts  to  engage 
them  in  the  cause.  There  was  one  man  then  living 
near  Fontainebleau,  whose  very  name  would  have 
raised  the  whole  population  of  Poland — Kosciusko. 
Buonaparte  made  him  the  most  pressing  invitations 
to  share  in  the  approaching  campaign,  and  urged 
him  to  issue  addresses  to  the  Polish  nation,  calling 
upon  them  to  embrace  the  present  opportunity  of 
regaining  their  liberty.  But  Kosciusko  was  not  one 
of  those  who  were  dazzled  by  the  splendour  of  Na- 
poleon's career,  and  he  divined  that  the  military 
despot  would  be  equally  treacherous  as  hereditary 
tyrants.  Well  might  he  answer  the  emperor's  emis- 
saries, "  What !  despotism  for  despotism ;  the  Poles 


288  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

have  enough  of  it  at  home,  without  going  so  far  to 
purchase  it  at  the  price  of  their  blood."* 

The  more  ardent  and  sanguine  spirits  among  the 
Polish  patriots  were  not  so  skeptical,  but  engaged 
in  the  campaign  with  the  highest  hopes.  The  de- 
cisive day  of  Jena,  the  14th  of  October,  1806,  brought 
one  of  Poland's  tyrants  down  to  the  dust,  and  the 
French  troops  were  cantoned  in  Berlin.  The  hearts 
of  the  Polish  patriots  must,  indeed,  have  beat  high 
as  they  marched  through  the  capital  of  Prussia,  but 
their  hopes  must  have  almost  amounted  to  certainty 
when  the  French  army  entered  the  Polish  territory. 
In  the  beginning  of  November,  Dombrowski  'and 
Wybi§ki  published,  by  order  of  Napoleon,  an  address 
to  the  Polish  nation,  announcing  the  speedy  arrival 
of  Kosciusko,  and  calling  on  all  to  throw  off  the 
foreign  yoke.  A  proclamation  was  also  sent  out  in 
Kosciusko's  name  :  of  such  weight  was  that  name, 
that  even  truth  was  thus  sacrificed  to  obtain  its  sanc- 
tion to  the  cause.f 

The  deception,  however,  did  not  succeed,  and  the 
refusal  of  Kosciusko  to  join  the  undertaking  ope- 
rated powerfully  on  many  minds.  The  whole  of 
Lithuania  would  have  obeyed  the  call  of  that  great 
man ;  but  this  one  deficiency  threw  discredit  on  the 
whole  of  Napoleon's  protestations.  Many  of  the 
Lithuanians  eyed  the  emperor's  past  acts  with  se- 
verity and  his  promises  with  suspicion,  and  felt  con- 
vinced that,  provided  Alexander  would  compromise, 
Napoleon  would  sacrifice  the  Poles  to  more  impor- 

*  Kosciusko  seems  to  have  shared  in  a  great  degree  the  feeling  of  those 
who,  being  set  free  and  mildly  treated  by  Paul,  imagined  that  it  would 
be  an  act  of  ingratitude  to  appear  in  arms  against  him,  although  for  their 
country.  The  patriots  sent  him  a  letter  on  his  liberation,  "but,"  says 
Oginski,  "  he  would  not  commit  himself  by  directly  answering  a  letter 
addressed  to  him  with  forty  signatures.  He  contented  himself  with 
expressing,  in  the  answer  he  made  me,  how  sensible  and  grateful  he 
was  for  the  sentiments  they  felt  for  him,  and  he  repeated  the  sincere 
prayers  which  he  never  ceased  to  make  for  the  welfare  of  his  fellow- 
patriots." — Oginski,  vol.  ii.  p.  287. 

t  A  long  absurd  appeal  was  also  published  in  his  name  shortly  before 
his  liberation,  in  which  he  is  made  to  talk  of  his  cruel  jailer,  irons,  &e. 
A  pamphlet  too  was  written  to  expose  this  paloable  forgery. 


CONDUCT    OF    NAPOLEON.  289 

tant  interests.  It  is  confessed,  however,  that  above 
12,000  men  left  Volhynia  and  Lithuania  to  join  the 
Polish  legions,  and  at  the  first  news  of  the  approach 
of  the  French  army  the  Poles  drove  out  the  Prus- 
sian garrisons  from  Kalisz  and  several  forts,  and  by 
the  16th  of  November,  Dombrowski  had  formed  four 
new  regiments  at  Posen. 

A  Russian  army  under  Benningsen  had  occupied 
Polish  Prussia  early  in  November,  and  entered  War- 
saw to  repress  the  general  rising  of  the  Poles ;  but 
finding  themselves  obliged  to  retire  on  the  approach 
of  the  French  army,  they  had  intrusted  the  com- 
mand of  the  city  to  Prince  Joseph  Poniatowski. 
The  French  advanced-guard  under  Murat,  entered 
Warsaw  on  the  28th  of  November.  He  appointed 
General  Gouvion  St.  Cyr  governor  of  this  capital, 
and  instituted  a  provisional  government. 

Napoleon  established  his  head  quarters  at  Posen 
on  the  27th  of  November.  His  entry  was  a  triumph, 
and  the  people  went  out  to  meet  him  as  the  sa- 
viour of  their  country.  On  the  llth  of  December 
he  signed  a  treaty  of  peace  with  Saxony,  which  he 
raised  into  a  kingdom.  On  the  18th  he  entered 
Warsaw,  and  the  affairs  of  Pultusk  and  Golymin, 
though  not  very  glorious  to  the  French  arms,  cleared 
^russian  Poland  of  Russian  troops. 

/The  bulletin  issued  at  Posen  on  the  1st  of  De- 
cember, r%)6,  was  not  at  all  adapted  to  increase  the 
ardour  of  me  Poles.  Like  most  of  Napoleon's  docu- 
ments of  this  kind,  it  is  couched  in  mystery. 

"Shall  the  throne  of  Poland  be  re-established?" 
it  runs  ;  "  and  shall  this  great  nation  resume  its  ex- 
istence and  independence  1  Shall  it  spring  from  the 
abyss  of  the  tomb  to  life  again  ?  God  only,  who 
holds  in  His  hands  the  issues  of  all  events,  is  the 
arbiter  of  this  great  political  problem ;  but  cer- 
tainly there  never  was  a  more  memorable  or  inter- 
esting event.'** 

*  This  was  inserted  in  the  Moniteur  for  the  12th  of  December 

Bb 


290  HISTORY    OF  POLAND. 

This  bulletin  produced  much  luke  warmness  among; 
many  of  the  Poles,  and  they  began  to  suspect  with 
justice,  that  their  independence  was  indeed  a  "  prob- 
lem," if  it  was  to  depend  on  Napoleon  Buonaparte. 
On  the  14th  of  January,  1807,  a  supreme  legislative 
commission  was  established  at  Warsaw,  of  which 
Malachowski,  Potocki,  and  Prince  Joseph  Ponia- 
towski  were  the  chief  members.  The  late  posses- 
sions of  Prussia  in  Poland  were  divided  into  six 
departments — Warsaw,  Posen,  Plo§k,  Kalisz,  Brom- 
berg,  and  Bialystok. 

The  pospolite  had  been  summoned  to  assemble  by 
the  1st  of  January,  and  they  took  the  field  with  the 
French  troops  with  their  accustomed  gallantry. 
The  anniversary  of  the  glorious  constitution  of  the 
3d  of  May  at  length  dawned  on  Warsaw,  and  never 
did  a  people  hail  more  fervently  the  recovery  of 
liberty. 

The  bloody  battle  of  Friedland,  fought  on  the  14th 
of  June,  1807,  reduced  the  allies  to  submission,  and 
the  treaty  of  Tilsit  was  signed  on  the  7th  of  July. 
Now  that  Napoleon  had  obtained  one  great  point, 
the  acknowledgment  of  his  title  by  Russia,  till  then 
the  only  recusant  on  the  continent,  he  began  to 
forget  his  faithful  soldiers  the  Poles.  He  was  per- 
haps as  apprehensive  of  a  continuation  of  the  war 
with  Russia  as  Alexander  himself,  after  the  severe 
specimens  he  had  seen  of  Russian  fighting  at  Eylau 
and  Friedland.  He  also  professed  a  great  esteem 
for  the  Russian  emperor,  and  far  from  raising  ob- 
stacles or  expressing  a  wish  for  concessions,  he 
gave  up  the  district  of  Bialystok  to  the  empire.  It 
is  also  stated,  on  good  authority,  that  Napoleon 
offered  to  unite  Prussian  Poland  to  the  Russian  em- 
pire, on  condition  that  Alexander  would  agree  to  his 
continental  system.*  As  the  views  of  Russia  did 

*  "  He  did  not  scruple  to  propose- the  reunion  of  Warsaw  and  Prus- 
sian Poland  to  the  empire  of  Russia ;  and  though  all  Napoleon's  parti- 
sans have  denied  and  thrown  doubt  on  this  proposal,  it  is  nevertheless 


DUTCHY    OF   WARSAW.  291 

not  entirely  coincide  with  his  wishes,  the  treaty  of 
Tilsit  declared  that  the  portion  of  Poland  lately 
possessed  by  Prussia  should  be  formed  into  an  inde- 
pendent government,  under  the  title  of  the  Dutchy 
of  Warsaw.  It  consisted  of  about  1800  square 
leagues  in  extent,  divided  into  six  departments, 
Posen,  Kalisz,  Plo§k,  Warsaw,  Lomza,  and  Byd- 
goszcz ;  and  the  population  amounted  to  about 
4,000,000.  Frederic  Augustus,  king  of  Saxony, 
the  same  whom  the  constitution  of  the  3d  of  May 
had  called  to  the  throne,  was  chosen  by  Napoleon  to 
be  grand-duke. 

A  commission  was  appointed  by  Napoleon  to  draw 
up  a  constitution  for  the  new  dutchy ;  and  the  code 
was  presented  to  the  emperor,  and  approved,  on  the 
S2d  of  July,  1807.  Slavery  was  abolished.  Two 
legislative  chambers  were  instituted  to  form  a  diet. 
The  executive  power  was  vested  in  the  king's 
hands. 

On  the  20th  of  November  Frederic  Augustus 
arrived  at  Warsaw,  and  regulated  the  economy  of 
his  little  dutchy.  The  principal  offices  were  all 
filled  with  distinguished  Poles,  and  Prince  Joseph 
Poniatowski  was  at  the  head  of  the  war  department. 
Julian  Niemcewicz,  the  poet,  and  friend  of  Kos- 
ciusko,  was  appointed  secretary  of  state.  The 
army  was  raised  to  twelve  regiments  of  infantry, 
six  of  cavalry,  a  brigade  of  artillery,  and  the  legion 
of  the  Vistula.  It  was  portioned  into  three  divisions 
under  the  command  of  Poniatowski,  Za'ionczek,  and 
Dombrowski. 

The  first  diet  was  held  on  the  10th  of  March,  1809, 
and  Ostrowski,  formerly  treasurer  of  the  crown, 
was  chosen  marshal.  The  session  was  limited  to 
fifteen  days.  Forty-eight  millions  of  florins  were 
voted  for  the  government.  The  Code  Napoleon  was 
also  introduced  by  a  great  majority. 

true  that  it  was  made,  and  I  have  since  seen  the  most  authentic  proofs 
of  it."—  O&inski,  vol.  ii.  p.  344. 


292  HISTORY    OF   POLAND. 

Scarcely  had  the  diet  finished  its  labours,  when 
Austria  declared  war  against  France  on  the  6th  of 
April.  The  Archduke  Ferdinand,  with  above  30,000 
men,  entered  the  dutchy  by  Konskie  without  any 
preliminaries,  and  on  the  15th,  Poniatowski  received 
a  letter  from  him  stating  the  views  of  Austria.  But 
the  prince  was  not  disposed  to  listen  to  such  repre- 
sentations ;  but  put  himself  at  the  head  of  about 
10,000  troops  and  marched  against  the  enemy.  He 
was  attacked  at  Raszyn,  four  leagues  from  Warsaw, 
on  the  19th  of  April,  and  made  an  obstinate  stand 
till  nightfall,  and  withdrew  in  good  order.  Warsaw, 
whose  fortifications  were  not  then  very  strong, 
could  not  be  expected  to  make  a  very  long  resist- 
ance, and  Poniatowski  knowing  the  inutility  of  en- 
dangering the  city  by  the  feeble  resistance  of  his 
little  army,  accepted  the  offer  of  Ferdinand  to  have 
an  interview  on  the  20th  of  April.  The  terms  agreed 
on  were,  that  the  city  of  Warsaw  should  be  in- 
trusted to  the  hands  of  the  Austrians,  while  the 
army  was  at  liberty  to  remove  where  it  pleased. 
The  archduke  exacted  obedience  in  Warsaw  by 
planting  loaded  cannon  in  the  principal  streets,  and 
requiring  hostages. 

Prince  Poniatowski  adopted  the  bold  advice  of 
Dombrowski,  to  enter  Gallicia  and  rouse  their  sub- 
ject brethren  there  to  rebellion :  insurrection  imme- 
diately followed  his  daring  entrance,  and  on  the  14th 
of  May  he  marched  into  Lublin.  On  the  19th  San- 
domir  was  taken  by  assault,  and  other  towns  soon 
surrendered.  On  the  28th  of  May  the  Poles  en- 
tered Leopol,  where  the  inhabitants  embraced  their 
Polish  brothers  with  tears  of  joy.  A  provisional 
government  was  instituted  at  Zamosc,  and  the 
whole  of  Gallicia  rose  up  in  favour  of  their  brave 
deliverers. 

Dombrowski,  who  with  his  corps  had  been  left  in 
the  dutchy  of  Warsaw,  exerted  himself  to  raise 
levies  against  the  Austrians.  He  defeated  them  at 


PROVISIONAL   GOVERNMENT.  293 

Thorn,  on  the  14th  of  May ;  and  following  up  his 
victory,  he  drove  the  enemy  towards  the  frontier. 
Ferdinand,  finding  his  quarters  insecure,  and  hearing 
of  the  reverses  in  Austria,  levied  a  contribution  in 
Warsaw  of  40,000  florins,  and  fled  secretly  with  his 
aid-de-camp,  and  his  troops  followed  in  the  night 
of  the  1st  of  June.  On  the  next  day  Zaionczek  and 
his  corps  entered  Warsaw. 

The  Emperor  of  Russia  had  engaged  at  the  inter- 
view of  Erfurth,  in  1808,  to  act  in  conjunction  with 
France,  but  had  been  very  tardy  in  executing  his 
promise ;  now,  however,  that  victory  declared  against 
the  Austrians  in  Austria  as  well  as  Poland,  he  ordered 
48,000  men  into  Gallicia,  who,  however,  merely  fol- 
lowed in  the  wake  of  Poniatowski.  The  enemy 
retreated,  and  evacuated  Gallicia  on  all  points. 

The  dutchy  of  Warsaw  appointed  a  government 
for  the  occupied  country ;  but  orders  came  from  Na- 
poleon to  establish  a  provisional  government  in  his 
name ;  which  was  done,  and  allegiance  sworn  to  the 
emperor.  On  the  15th  of  July  Poniatowski  entered 
Cracow,  and  on  the  16th  was  published  the  armistice 
which  Austria  had  entered  into  with  Napoleon,  after 
the  battle  of  Wagram  on  the  6th  of  July ;  an  envoy 
was  sent  to  Napoleon  to  acquaint  him  with  the  events 
of  the  campaign,  and  Poniatowski  was  complimented 
with  a  sword,  and  a  cross  of  the  legion  of  honour. 

The  treaty  of  peace  was  signed  at  Vienna  on  the 
14th  of  October.  The  Poles  were  again  deceived  by 
Napoleon ;  only  four  departments  of  the  conquest, 
Cracow,  Radom,  Lublin,  and  Siedlce,  were  added  to 
the  dutchy  of  Warsaw,  while  the  circles  of  Tarnopol 
and  Zbazaz  were  ceded  to  Russia.  The  salt  mines 
of  Wieliczka  were  to  be  in  common  between  Austria 
and  the  dutchy. 

This  accession  of  territory  to  the  dutchy  was,  how- 
ever, of  very  beneficial  effect  to  the  Polish  cause,  and 
more  perhaps  in  its  tendency  than  its  immediate 
consequence.  It  was  an  earnest  to  the  Poles  of  future 
Bb2 


294  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

advancement ;  and  they  flattered  themselves,  that,  as 
the  dutchy  of  Warsaw  was  gradually  extending,  it 
would  at  length  attain  the  complete  growth  of  the 
ancient  kingdom  of  Poland. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

State  of  the  Dutchy  of  Warsaw  in  1812— Napoleon's  Designs;  Treaty 
with  Austria — Alexander's  Treatment  of  the  Lithuanians— Russian 
Invasion — Napoleon  enters  Wilna — Napoleon's  Answer  to  the  Poles 
— Confederacy— Burning  of  Moscow  and  Retreat  of  the  French — 
Wilna  and  Warsaw  entered  by  the  Russians — Prince  Poniatowski 
retires  to  Cracow ;  joins  Buonaparte  in  Saxony ;  is  drowned  at  Leipzig 
— Polish  Legions  follow  Napoleon  to  France — The  Allies  enter  Paris 
— Kosciusko's  Letter  to  Alexander — Alexander's  Answer — Dom- 
browski  and  the  Polish  Legion  return  to  Warsaw — Congress  of  Vienna 
— The  Kingdom  of  Poland  annexed  to  Russia — New  Constitution — 
Lithuania,  Posnania,  Gallicia,  and  Cracow — Diet  of  1818— Infringe- 
ments of  the  Constitution — Death  of  Alexander — Nicholas — Poles 
involved  in  the  Russian  Conspiracy ;  acquitted— Nicholas  crowned  at 
Warsaw  in  1829— Infringements  of  the  Constitution— Prospects  of 
Poland. 

THE  year  1812  was  destined  to  form  another  im- 
portant era  in  the  annals  of  the  Poles.  A  small  frac- 
tion indeed  of  the  Polish  population  were  restored  to 
their  rights,  but  the  liberty  thus  obtained  was  not  the 
substantial  and  invaluable  blessing  for  which  they 
had  fought  and  bled  so  many  years ;  their  grand-duke 
was  a  mere  vassal  of  Napoleon,  and  the  dependence 
of  the  dutchy  on  France  was  unavoidable,  since  it 
was  too  limited,  and  its  resources  too  contracted,  to 
enable  it  to  defend  itself. 

It  was,  at  this  time,  in  the  most  lamentable  state 
of  wretchedness.  "Nothing,"  says  M.  de  Pradt,* 
"  could  exceed  the  misery  of  all  classes.  The  army 
was  not  paid;  the  officers  were  in  rags;  the  best 
houses  were  in  ruins ;  the  greatest  lords  were  com- 

*  Napoleon's  ambassador  at  Warsaw.— -See  Histoire  de  FAmbassade 
en  Pologne 


ILL   FAITH   OF   NAPOLEON.  295 

pelled  to  leave  Warsaw,  from  the  want  of  money  to 
provide  their  tables."  The  Poles  flattered  them- 
selves, however,  that  the  grand  scale  of  their  military 
establishment,  so  disproportionate  to  the  present 
magnitude  of  the  dutchy,  was  a  proof  that  Napoleon 
did  not  intend  to  confine  his  exertions  to  what  had 
already  been  effected,  but  meant  the  dutchy  only  as 
a  nucleus  for  future  increments. 

The  Poles  fancied  also  that  their  hopes  were  about 
to  be  realized  when  Buonaparte  threatened  Russia 
with  the  invasion  of  1812.  He  took  every  precaution 
to  impress  them  with  the  belief  that  it  was  his  design 
to  restore  the  kingdom  of  Poland  to  its  former  state ; 
and  Montalivet,  his  minister  for  the  home  department, 
having  let  fall  some  hints  in  public,  that  such  a  plan 
had  never  fallen  into  his  views,  he  commissioned 
Marshal  Duroc  to  remove  the  bad  impression  thus 
caused,  by  making  the  strongest  assurances  of  Napo- 
leon's interest  in  the  Poles,  and  persuading  them 
that  the  remark  had  been  made  only  to  blind  the 
Russians. 

Napoleon's  determination  was  by  no  means  formed 
with  respect  to  Poland;  on  one  occasion  he  inad- 
vertently exposed  the  insincerity  of  his  promises,  by 
owning  that  his  conduct  to  that  country  was  "  merely 
a  whim."  It  is  certain  that  he  could  have  had  no 
objection  to  see  the  kingdom  of  Poland  re-established, 
since  it  would  have  formed  a  strong  barrier  against 
Russia ;  but  he  did  not  wish  to  render  the  rupture 
between  himself  and  Alexander  irremediable,  as  he 
would  have  done  by  openly  wresting  Lithuania  from 
him.  His  desire  was,  that  all  the  movements  of 
Poland  might  seem  to  proceed  from  herself.  With 
regard  to  the  Austrian  share  of  that  kingdom,  he  had 
made  up  his  mind,  in  case  of  the  re-establishment  of 
Poland,  that  it  should  be  restored  for  an  indemnifi- 
cation. On  the  14th  of  March,  1812,  he  concluded 
a  treaty  with  the  court  of  Vienna,  and  some  of  the 
secret  articles  were  concerning  this  business.  Napo- 


296  HISTORY    OF   POLAND. 

leon  guarantied  the  possession  of  Gallicia  to  Austria, 
even  if  the  kingdom  of  Poland  were  re-established ; 
but  in  that  case,  "  if  it  suited  the  views  of  the  Em- 
peror of  Austria  to  cede  Gallicia  in  exchange  for 
some  Illyrian  provinces,  the  arrangement  was  to  take 
place." 

The  conduct  of  the  Emperor  Alexander  to  the 
Lithuanians  was  calculated  to  make  them  weigh 
Napoleon's  promises  and  designs  with  suspicious 
precision  before  they  credited  them.  They  were 
not  now,  as  they  once  were,  happy  to  catch  at  the 
most  distant  gleam  of  hope,  when  no  misfortune 
could  have  much  aggravated  their  misery ;  but  they 
had  something  to  lose  by  failure,  some  degree  of 
happiness  at  stake.  The  good  policy  of  Alexander 
tended  to  make  them  subjects  rather  than  slaves. 
Their  taxes  were  not  raised ;  their  privileges  were 
preserved;  their  laws  underwent  very  little  change, 
and  they  had  the  appointment  of  most  of  their  officers. 
Alexander  expressed  the  greatest  anxiety  for  their 
welfare ;  he  established  eight  governors  of  Lithuania 
over  the  eight  divisions,  prepared  a  liberal  consti- 
tution for  them,  and  even  proposed  to  raise  them  into 
a  distinct  kingdom.  He  particularly  wished  the  new 
constitution  to  extend  its  protection  over  the  serfs. 
"  Particularly,  do  not  forget  the  peasants,"  he  said 
to  Count  Oginski,  whom  he  employed  to  draw  up  a 
plan  of  the  laws ;  "  they  are  the  most  useful  class, 
and  your  serfs  have  always  been  treated  like  helots." 
These  words  sound  strangely  in  a  Russian  despot's 
mouth,  particularly  when  we  remember  the  state  of 
the  Russian  serfs.*  Alexander  too  patronised  the 
learned  institutions ;  and  it  is  a  singular  fact,  that 
the  university  of  Wilna  flourished  more  under  the 
dominion  of  Russia  than  it  had  ever  before  done. 
He  ordered  public  schools  to  be  instituted  dependent 
on  the  university,  and  appropriated  their  ancient 

*  Alexander  pretended  to  ameliorate  it  by  an  oukase ;  but  very  little 
real  benefit  was  derived  from  it. 


ARMY   OF   POLAND.  297 

revenues  to  the  same  purpose.  Nor  were  these  ex- 
ertions fruitless :  Wilna  became  the  sojourn  of  learned 
men;  education  was  generally  diffused;  and  the 
Lithuanians  began  to  think  to  whom  they  were  in- 
debted for  these  good  things,  and  how  "  gentle  a 
tyrant"  they  had  found  in  the  Russian  despot. 

Seventy  thousand  Poles  marched  in  the  colossal 
army  which  Buonaparte  led  against  Russia  in  1812. 
On  the  26th  of  June  the  diet  of  the  dutchy  of  Warsaw 
assembled ;  and  Prince  Adam  Czartoryski  was  ap- 
pointed marshal.  The  minister  of  finance,  Thadeus 
Matuszewi§,  had  been  directed  by  Napoleon  to  make 
a  report  of  the  state  of  the  country  on  this  day ;  the 
speech  was  prepared  by  the  French  ambassador, 
Pradt,  and  was  delivered  in  full  diet.  At  the  words, 
"  Shall  Poland  exist  *  What  do  I  say  ?  It  does  ex- 
ist," one  burst  of  enthusiastic  applause  prevailed 
among  the  vast  assembly  of  deputies  and  spectators. 
The  Poles  now  felt  certain  that  they  should  see  their 
kingdom  spring  up  afresh ;  Warsaw  was  one  scene 
of  festivity,  and  the  national  cockades  of  blue  and 
amaranth  were  every  where  exhibited.  The  ex- 
pressions, "  the  kingdom  of  Poland,"  and  "  the  body 
of  the  Polish  nation,"  had  been  introduced  into  the 
speech  by  the  express  orders  of  Napoleon ;  and  the 
Poles  firmly  trusted  that  they  would  not  be  vague 
words.  The  diet  decreed  a  general  confederation ;  a 
confederate  council  of  twelve  was  appointed,  of 
which  Prince  Czartoryski  was  president ;  and  its  first 
act  was  to  recall  from  the  Russian  service  all  Poles 
in  every  capacity,  and  to  declare  them  absolved  from 
their  oaths  of  allegiance  to  the  emperor.  The  diet- 
ines  were  convoked  to  accede  to  the  confederacy, 
which  they  did  unanimously. 

In  the  mean  time  the  French  army  had  entered 
Lithuania,  and  on  the  26th  of  June  Napoleon  reached 
Wilna.  A  deputation,  commissioned  by  the  diet  to 
wait  on  him  there,  presented  him  with  an  address, 
which  was  prepared  by  himself.  His  answer  was 


pgfim    If  Iliad  leigwri  at  the  time 

aimed  aD  my  people  to  support  JOB.  —  I  lore 
~      the  last  HiiU'm  yeara  I  bare 


of  Spain.    I  applaod  all  that  you  hare  dooe; 
the  efforts  yon  wish  to  make;  I  will  do 

"..".—  r  "  -i  r_  -  r  •  .     r  :  ~  ~  - 

" 


Mohflow,  Voibyma,  the  Ufcrame,  and  Fodoiia  be 


J   £^   f»  t    "PuJ-M,.! a    ¥>--•— iJ^-m^     •  ~fl    «•_••«_-•• 

neasen  m  tvieat  i^otano,  am  innwiaencc  wui  crown 

-,«  *l«^»  ",  ^^  ^M^B^^«        _,  "ff      _^^__»_J 

.   —    --:.-«-  "--r   -_---_•    -  -    .- '-  -^  ~  •        —  -  ~      --  - 


terested  me  in  your  behalf  and  has  giren 

manydaimstoray€ 

yon  may  depend  i 


ccTr-i.  i~.-e  com  cc*  iown 
j  !•!  ;  irr'T  i .  "•  _  .-".- 


•  i»  -—---:-  :_f 


1--  I:-: 


V          :;-- 


-    i 


•TWaovr.    KB  i 


:      '  :,- 


300  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

arm6e"  passed  through  Wilna  on  the  9th  of  Decem- 
ber, and  the  Russians  entered  on  the  following-  day. 
The  Emperor  Alexander  arrived  shortly  after  his 
army,  and  proclaimed  a  general  amnesty  to  all  the 
Poles  who  had  formerly  been  under  his  government. 
Poniatowski  reached  Warsaw  with  his  corps  on  the 
25th  of  December.  He  united  himself  with  the  Aus- 
trian troops  commanded  by  Prince  Schwartzenberg, 
and  they  vacated  Warsaw  on  the  7th  of  February, 
1813,  and  marched  towards  Cracow,  where  the  Poles 
on  their  arrival  mustered  barely  3000  men.  Dom- 
browski  and  his  small  corps  accompanied  the  French 
army. 

On  Poniatowski's  retreat  from  Warsaw  all  author- 
ity was  suspended;  the  ministerial  council  with- 
drew to  Petrikau,  and  afterward  to  Czenstochowa, 
where  the  members  dispersed.  The  Russians  soon 
took  possession  of  the  city,  having  previously  pub- 
lished an  amnesty.  A  temporary  government  was 
immediately  instituted,  of  which  the  president  was 
Lanskoi. 

Poniatowski  remained  at  Cracow  till  May,  where 
he  formed  a  new  corps  called  that  of  Cracus.  By 
May  he  augmented  his  little  army  to  nearly  13,000 
men,  5000  of  whom  were  cavalry.  This  body  left 
the  Austrian  territories,  reached  Zittau  on  the  10th 
of  June,  1813,  and  joined  Napoleon,  who  was  then 
with  his  army  in  Saxony. 

Buonaparte  had  again  taken  the  field  on  the  18th 
of  April,  1813,  in  Saxony,  where  he  was  joined  by 
the  wreck  of  the  "  grande  arme'e."  Poniatowski's 
body  soon  formed  the  eighth  corps.  The  battles  of 
Dresden,  &c.  were  only  preparatory  to  the  decisive 
day  of  Leipzig,  the  19th  of  October.  Poniatowski 
was  ordered  to  cover  the  retreat  of  the  French  army ; 
and  the  officer  whom  Buonaparte  had  appointed  to 
blow  up  the  bridge  over  the  Pleisse,  doing  so  before 
the  time,  the  remaining  troops  were  obliged  to 
plunge  into  the  stream  for  safety.  The  confusion 


KOSCIUSKO'S    LETTER.  301 

was  dreadful,  and  fatal  to  the  chivalrous  Poniatow- 
ski ;  after  being  twice  wounded,  he  rushed  into  the 
stream  and  sunk  for  the  last  time.  He  had  been  ap- 
pointed marshal  of  the  empire  by  Buonaparte  only 
four  days  before.  Thus  ended  the  glorious  but  un- 
fortunate career  of  this  gallant  soldier,  who  main- 
tained to  the  last  the  proud  character  of  a  patriotic 
Pole,  and  threw  a  redeeming  lustre  on  the  sullied 
name  of  Poniatowski. 

The  survivers  of  the  Polish  army,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Sokolnicki,  retreated  with  the  French 
army,  and  particularly  distinguished  themselves  in 
the  battle  of  Hanau  on  the  30th  of  October.  Four 
days  after  this,  Buonaparte,  hearing  that  they  in- 
tended to  return,  harangued  the  officers  on  their 
route.  "  You  have  ever  acted  faithfully  to  me,"  said 
the  sinking  emperor ;  "  you  would  not  abandon  me 
without  informing  me,  and  you  have  even  promised 
to  accompany  me  as  far  as  the  Rhine. — To-day  I 
wish  to  give  you  some  good  advice.  Tell  me,  when 
do  you  intend  to  return  1 — You  are  free  to  go  home, 
if  you  please.  Two  or  three  thousand  men  the  less, 
brave  as  you  are,  will  make  no  difference  in  my 
affairs." 

The  Poles  felt  that  they  were  bound  in  honour 
not  to  desert  Napoleon  merely  because  his  glory 
was  on  the  wane ;  and  accordingly  accompanied  him 
to  France. 

After  the  allies  had  entered  Paris  in  1814,  Kosci- 
usko,  who  had  been  living  near  Fontainebleau,  sent 
a  letter  to  the  Emperor  Alexander,  on  the  9th  of 
April : — 

"  Sire ;  if  from  my  obscure  retreat  I  dare  to  address 
my  petition  to  a  great  monarch,  a  great  general,  and, 
above  all,  a  protector  of  humanity,*  it  is  because  your 
generosity  and  magnanimity  are  well  known  to  me 

*  This  cannot  be  termed  republican  sincerity 

Cc 


302  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

I  request  three  favours  of  you :  the  first  is,  to  grant 
a  general  amnesty  to  the  Poles  without  any  restric- 
tion, and  that  the  serfs  scattered  in  foreign  countries 
may  be  regarded  as  free  if  they  return  to  their  homes; 
the  second,  that  your  majesty  will  proclaim  yourself 
king  of  Poland,  with  a  free  constitution  approaching 
to  that  of  England,  and  that  you  cause  schools  to 
be  established  there  for  the  instruction  of  the  serfs ; 
that  their  servitude  be  abolished  at  the  end  of  ten 
years,  and  that  they  may  enjoy  the  full  possession 
of  their  property.  It'  my  prayers  are  granted,  I  will 
go  in  person  (though  ill)  to  throw  myself  at  your 
majesty's  feet  to  thank  you,  and  to  be  the  first  to 
render  you  homage  as  my  sovereign.  If  my  feeble 
talents  could  yet  be  of  any  utility,  I  would  set  out 
instantly  to  rejoin  my  fellow-citizens,  to  serve  my 
country  and  my  sovereign  with  honour  and  fidelity. 
"  My  third  request,  though  personal,  sire,  is  near 
my  heart  and  feelings.  I  have  been  living  fourteen 
years  in  the  respectable  house  of  M.  Zeitner,  of  the 
Swiss  nation,  formerly  ambassador  from  his  country 
to  France.  I  owe  him  a  thousand  obligations,  but 
we  are  both  poor,  and  he  has  a  numerous  family.  I 
beg  for  him  an  honourable  post,  either  in  the  new 
French  government,  or  in  Poland.  He  has  talents, 
and  I  vouch  for  his  fidelity  under  every  trial.* 
"  I  am,  &c. 

"  KOSCIUSKO." 

To  this  Alexander  returned  an  autograph  answer. 

"I  feel  great  satisfaction,  general,  in  answering 
your  letter.  Your  wishes  shall  be  accomplished. 
With  the  help  of  the  Almighty,  I  trust  to  realize  the 
regeneration  of  the  brave  and  respectable  nation  to 
which  you  belong.  I  have  made  a  solemn  engage- 
ment, and  its  welfare  has  always  occupied  my 
thoughts.— How  satisfactory  it  would  be  to  me 

*  Oginski,  vol.  iv.  p.  175. 


RETURN    OF  THE    POLES.  303 

general,  to  see  you  my  helpmate  in  the  accomplish- 
ment of  these  salutary  labours !     Your  name,  your 
character,  your  talents,  will  be  my  best  support. 
"Accept,  general,  the  assurance  of  all  my  esteem.* 

"  ALEXANDER." 

After  the  treaty  of  Fontainebleau  was  signed, 
Dombrowski  requested  Alexander's  permission  for 
the  Poles  to  return  to  their  country ;  he  was  told 
that  they  would  march  with  the  Russian  army,  and 
on  their  arrival  at  Warsaw,  would  be  at  liberty  to 
leave  the  service  or  continue  in  it.  The  grand-duke 
Constantine,  Alexander's  brother,  was  appointed  their 
commander-in-chief.  They  entered  Posen  on  the 
25th  of  August,  1814.  On  their  route  they  passed  by 
Nancy  in  Lorraine,  where  the  remains  of  Stanislas 
Leszczynski,  one  of  their  favourite  monarchs,  were 
deposited ;  and  performed  a  funeral  ceremony  over 
his  tomb  in  the  church  of  Bonsecours.  Sokolnicki 
delivered  an  oration  on  this  interesting  occasion.f 

A  few  days  after  Alexander's  return  to  Petersburg 
in  July,  1814,  he  gave  an  audience  to  the  deputies 

*  Kosciusko  again  wrote  to  Alexander  at  Vienna,  on  the  10th  of  June, 
1815.  He  found  that  Lithuania  was  not  to  participate  in  the  advantages 
of  a  constitution,  and  he  says,  "  One  anxiety  only  troubles  my  soul  and 
my  joy.  I  was  born  a  Lithuanian,  sire,  and  I  have  only  a  few  years  to 
live  ;  nevertheless,  the  veil  of  futurity  still  covers  the  destinies  of  my 
native  land,  and  of  so  many  provinces  of  my  country.  I  cannot  forget 
the  magnanimous  promises  which  your  imperial  majesty  has  deigned 
to  make  verbally  to  me  and  to  several  of  my  compatriots."  To  this  no 
answer  was  returned,  and  Kosciusko  felt  certain  that  his  apprehensions 
were  well  founded,  and  on  the  13th  of  June  he  announces  his  intention 
of  retiring  to  Switzerland  This  design  he  soon  put  into  execution,  and 
went  to  reside  at  Soleure,  where  he  ended  his  glorious  life  on  the  16th 
of  October,  1817.  His  corpse  is  deposited  in  the  cathedral  of  Cracow, 
in  the  same  chapel  where  Sobieski  and  Joseph  Poniatowski  had  been, 
laid  before  him  ;  and  on  the  summit  of  the  artificial  mountain,  Bronis- 
lawa,  national  gratitude  has  erected  a  monument  to  his  immortal 
memory. 

t  "These,''  said  the  orator,  "are  the  wrecks  of  the  numerous  pha- 
lanxes raised  and  reproduced  as  by  enchantment,  and  which  that  Polish 
Bayard  (Joseph  Poniatowski)  has  so  many  times  conducted  to  victory : 
these  are  the  precious  remains  of  a  troop  which  he  formed  for  glory  j 
these  are  warriors  covered  with  honourable  scars,  &c." — See  CEuvres 
Choisies  de  Stanislas,  &c.— Hist,  par  Mdine.  de  St.  Ou5n. 


304  HISTORY   OF    POLAND. 

of  the  Lithuanian  governments,  and  concluded  his 
address  to  them  with  these  words,  "  Tell  your  con- 
stituents that  all  is  forgotten  and  pardoned,  and  that 
they  must  not  have  any  doubt  of  the  interest  that  I 
feel  for  them  and  the  desire  I  have  to  see  them  happy 
and  content." 

The  fate  of  the  Poles  was  now  an  object  of  solici- 
tude to  every  liberal  mind  in  Europe,  and  the  consul- 
tations of  the  congress  of  Vienna  were  watched  with 
the  greatest  impatience.  The  same  feeling  which 
leagued  the  allies  against  the  usurpation  of  Buona- 
parte bound  them  to  atone  for  their  own  sins  in  that 
way  towards  the  Poles,  by  restoring  to  them  their 
independence.  "  The  avowed  principle  of  the  grand 
confederacy  which  has  so  recently  delivered  the 
world  was,  that  all  should  be  united  for  the  protec- 
tion of  all, — that  the  independence  of  each  state 
should  be  secured  by  the  combination  of  its  neigh- 
bours,— and  that  henceforth  they  alone  should  be  put 
in  jeopardy  who  attempted  to  violate  that  mutual 
paction  of  defence  by  which  all  were  defended. — Is 
it  not  natural  in  such  a  moment  to  look  for  the  res- 
toration of  Poland  ?"*  Even  the  allies  had  no  reason 
to  make  the  Poles'  allegiance  to  Napoleon  an  objec- 
tion to  their  re-establishment,  since  that  charge  was 
equally  applicable  to  themselves ;  Russia,  Austria,  and 
Prussia  having  all,  at  different  times,  been  accessa- 
ries to  his  schemes. f 

On  the  3d  of  May,  1815,  the  congress  of  Vienna 
decided  the  fate  of  Poland.  The  fifth  article  of  the 
treaty  between  Russia  and  Austria  declared  that  the 
dutchy  of  Warsaw  should  be  formed  into  a  kingdom, 
to  be  united  to  the  crown  of  Russia,  but  should  enjoy 
a  separate  constitution  and  administration.  The 
portion  of  Eastern  Gallicia  which  had  formed  part 

*  See  an  article  on  Poland  in  the  Edinburgh  Review  of  September. 
1814. 

t  See  an  Appeal  to  the  Allies  and  the  English  Nation  on  behalf  of 
Poland,  1814. 


POLISH   CONSTITUTIONS.  305 

of  the  dutchy  was  now  ceded  to  Austria,  as  well  as 
the  salt  mines  of  Wieliczka.  Cracow,  with  its  terri- 
tory, was  created  into  a  republic  with  a  distinct  con- 
stitution,* under  the  protection  of  the  three  powers. 
A  portion  of  the  dutchy  was  also  given  to  Prussia 
under  the  title  of  the  grand-dutchy  of  Posnania.  It 
was  also  added,  *'  that  the  Polish  subjects  of  the 
respective  powers  should  obtain  a  representation  and 
national  institutions,  regulated  by  the  mode  of  politi- 
cal existence  which  each  of  the  governments  to 
which  they  belong  shall  think  useful  and  proper  to 
be  granted." 

On  the  25th  of  May  Alexander  issued  a  proclama- 
tion, and  on  the  20th  of  June  he  was  proclaimed  • 
King  of  Poland  at  Warsaw.  All  the  authorities 
repaired  to  the  cathedral,  and  took  the  oath  of  alle- 
giance to  the  new  king.  The  administration  con- 
tinued in  the  hands  of  the  provisional  government 
until  the  constitution  was  framed.  Alexander  had 
previously  appointed  a  commission  at  which  Count 
Ostrowski  presided  for  this  purpose.  The  emperor 
himself  arrived  at  Warsaw  in  November,  1815,  where 
he  was  received  with  the  greatest  acclamations. 
Medals  of  the  emperor  were  struck  with  the  inscrip- 
tion Unus  nobis  restiluit  rem.  On  the  24th  of  Decem- 
ber, 1815,  the  new  constitution  was  completed ;  it  was 
very  similar  to  the  constitution  of  the  3d  of  May ; 
and  the  principal  articles  were  as  follows : — 

The  government  consists  of  three  states,  namely, 
the  king,  and  an  upper  and  lower  house  of  parliament. 
The  executive  power  is  vested  in  the  king  and  his 
officers.  The  monarch  is  to  be  hereditary ;  he  de- 
clares war,  appoints  the  senators,  ministers,  counsel- 
lors of  state,  bishops,  &c.,  convokes,  prorogues,  or 
dissolves  parliament.  The  king  may  appoint  a  lieu- 
tenant, who  must  either  be  a  member  of  the  royal 
family  or  a  Pole.  The  king,  or  his  lieutenant,  is 

*  This  may  be  seen  in  Oginaki,  vol.  iv.  p.  196. 
Cc2 


306  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

assisted  by  a  state  council,  consisting  of  the  minis- 
ters of  administration  ex  officio,  and  counsellors, 
whom  the  king  may  choose  to  appoint.  The  minis- 
terial administration  is  divided  into  five  departments : 

1st.  The  department  of  public  education. 

2d.  Judicial  department,  chosen  from  the  mem- 
bers of  the  supreme  tribunal. 

3d.  Home  and  police  department. 

4th.  War  department. 

5th.  Finance  department. 

Each  of  these  departments  is  under  the  control  of 
a  minister. 

The  ministers  are  responsible  for  any  act  or  de- 
cree contrary  to  the  constitution. 

The  king  and  the  two  houses  of  parliament  form 
the  legislative  authority.  The  senate,  or  upper  house, 
consists  of  princes  of  the  blood-royal,  bishops,  pala- 
tines, and  castellans.  Their  office  is  for  life,  and 
they  are  appointed  by  the  king.  The  senate,  how- 
ever, presents  two  candidates  for  a  vacancy,  and  the 
choice  rests  with  the  monarch.  A  senator  is  re- 
quired to  pay  taxes  to  the  amount  of  12,000  Polish 
florins.  The  number  is  never  to  exceed  half  of  that 
of  the  lower  house. 

The  lower  house  consists  of  seventy-seven  mem- 
bers, to  be  elected  by  the  nobles  in  the  dietines,  one 
for  each  district,  and  fifty-one  members  elected  by 
the  commons.  The  qualifications  for  a  member  are, 
that  he  must  be  of  the  age  of  thirty  years,  and  pay 
annual  taxes  to  the  amount  of  100  Polish  florins. 
Every  member  vacates  his  seat  by  accepting  a  civil 
or  military  office.  The  electors  among  the  commons 
are  landholders,  manufacturers,  and  those  having  a 
stock  or  capital  to  the  amount  of  10,000  florins,  all 
curates  and  vicars,  professors,  public  teachers,  &c., 
all  artists  distinguished  for  talent,  whether  in  the 
useful  or  elegant  arts. 

The  diet  is  to  meet  every  second  year  at  Warsaw, 
and  to  sit  thirty  days.  All  motions  are  decided  by  a 


FIRST   CONSTITUTIONAL   DIET.  30  / 

majority  of  votes,  and  a  bill  passed  in  one  house  is 
to  be  then  forwarded  to  the  other.  All  money  bills 
must  be  read  in  the  lower  house  first.  The  king's 
consent  is  necessary  to  every  bill. 

The  supplies  were  to  be  voted  every  four  years. 

Religious  toleration  was  guarantied,  as  well  as  the 
liberty  of  the  press;*  and  no  person  was  to  be 
punished  without  the  sanction  of  the  laws. 

The  emperor  appointed  the  Polish  veteran  Zaion- 
czek  his  lord-lieutenant. 

Such  was  the  constitution  to  be  enjoyed  by 
4,000,000  of  the  Polish  nation.  The  other  portions 
of  Poland,  Polish  Prussia,  Lithuania,  Gallicia,  and 
the  republic  of  Cracow,  were  not,  in  appearance, 
equally  fortunate.  The  congress  of  Vienna  promised 
constitutional  charters  to  each  of  them,  but  the 
promise  has  been  kept  only  in  letter.  The  grand- 
dutchy  of  Posnania  was  granted  a  diet  by  Prussia  in 
1822 ;  it  meets  every  second  year.  Their  privilege 
consists  in  making  representations  to  the  king,  who 
reserves  the  right  of  decision.  Most  of  the  offices 
are  held  by  Germans,  although  the  diet  obtained  a 
promise  that  Poles  should  be  eligible.  Gallicia  also 
has  a  diet  which  sits  every  year  at  Leopol  for  three 
days,  to  receive  the  orders  of  government. 

Lithuania  formed  a  distinct  province,  governed  by 
the  ancient  laws,  modified  by  the  emperor's  edicts. 
It  is  supposed  that  Alexander  designed  to  unite  it  to 
the  kingdom  of  Poland ;  but  his  intention  was  not 
executed.  It  was  divided  into  three  governments, 
Wilna,  Grodno,  and  Minsk,  and  governed  by  Lithua- 
nian nobles.  The  magistrates  were  appointed  by  the 
dietines. 

The  first  constitutional  diet  of  the  kingdom  of 
Poland  was  held  in  1818.  The  emperor  opened  it  in 
person  on  the  15th  of  March.  One  of  the  remarks 
made  in  his  speech  was  certainly  true. — "  Notwith- 

*  The  following  restriction  is  added  to  this  article. — "  The  law  will 
appoint  the  means  of  checking  its  abuses." 


308  HISTORY    OF    POLAND. 

standing  my  efforts,  perhaps,  all  the  evils  you  have 
had  to  groan  under  are  not  yet  repaired.  Such  is  the 
nature  of  things,  good  can  only  be  effected  slowly, 
and  perfection  is  inaccessible  to  human  nature." 

Soon  did  the  fine  professions  of  Alexander  begin 
to  prove  delusive;  the  authorities  commenced  by 
trespassing  on  the  pale  of  the  constitution.  So 
closely  was  Kosciusko's  prophecy  fulfilled,  that  it 
seemed  as  if  his  shade  were  still  speaking  from  the 
tomb.  "  From  the  very  first,  I  foresee  a  very  differ- 
ent order  of  things ;  that  the  Russians  will  occupy, 
equally  with  us,  the  chief  places  of  government. 
This  certainly  cannot  inspire  the  Poles  with  very 
great  confidence ;  they  foresee,  not  without  fear,  that 
in  time  the  Polish  name  will  fall  into  contempt,  and 
that  the  Russians  will  soon  treat  us  as  their  sub- 
jects."* The  article  of  the  constitution  which  de- 
clared the  liberty  of  the  press  was  nullified  by  an 
act  of  the  31st  of  July,  1819,  and  other  similar  en- 
croachments of  power  began  to  be  experienced. 

The  diet  of  1820,  however,  fought  bravely  for  their 
liberties,  and  threw  out,  with  a  great  majority,  a  bill 
to  abolish  the  responsibility  of  ministers,  one  of  the 
grand  articles  of  the  constitution.  They  also  im- 
peached the  two  ministers  who  had  signed  the  ordi- 
nance for  the  suspension  of  the  liberty  of  the  press. 

The  ministers  determined  to  be  revenged  for  this 
opposition,  and  squandered  three-fourths  of  the  reve- 
nue yearly  on  the  army,  so  that  the  remainder  was 
barely  sufficient  to  meet  the  expenses.  In  conse- 
quence of  this,  the  secretary  of  state,  who  was  always 
resident  with  the  king,  and  was  now  at  Petersburg, 
issued  a  writing,  stating  that  it  would  be  necessary 
to  devise  a  change  of  the  political  existence  of  Po- 
land if  she  could  not  support  her  government  in  her 
present  form.  This  was  soon  answered  by  an  abun- 
dant contribution. 

*  Lettre  de  Kosciusko  au  Prince  Adam  Czartor/skt,  Vienna,  June  13, 
1815. 


RUSSIAN  IMPERIAL   FAITH.  309 

A  state  prison  was  soon  established  at  Warsaw  ; 
espionage  became  general,  and  prosecutions  imbit- 
tered  the  feelings  of  the  Poles  against  their  tyrants. 
An  ordinance  was  passed  in  1825,  before  the  as- 
sembly of  the  diet,  and  signed  by  Prince  Lubecki, 
which  abolished  the  publicity  of  debate  in  the  diet; 
thus  at  once  destroying  one  of  the  important  checks 
which  honesty  has  upon  every  species  of  chicanery.* 

In  the  same  year,  on  the  1st  of  December,  died 
the  Emperor  Alexander,  King  of  Poland.  Constan- 
tine,  the  heir-apparent,  having  resigned  his  right  of 
succession  as  long  back  as  1823,  and  still  adhering 
to  his  determination,  his  brother  Nicholas  succeeded 
to  the  throne.  On  the  25th  of  December  he  issued 
a  proclamation  to  the  Polish  people,  in  which  he 
promised  to  preserve  the  constitution  granted  by  his 
brother  inviolate.  "  Poles,"  he  says,  "  we  have 
already  declared  that  our  invariable  wish  is  that  our 
government  may  be  only  a  continuation  of  that  of 
the  emperor  and  king  Alexander  I.,  of  glorious 
memory ;  and  we  declare  to  you,  consequently,  that 
the  institutions  which  he  has  given  you  shall  remain 
without  any  changes.  In  pledge,  I  promise  and 
swear  before  God  that  I  will  observe  the  constitu- 
tional charter,  and  that  I  will  exert  all  my  care  to 
maintain  its  observation."! 

The  conspiracy  in  Russia  broke  out  on  the  26th 
of  December,  1825,  and  the  persons  appointed  to  in- 
vestigate it  pretended  that  its  ramifications  extended 
to  Warsaw.  Above  200  persons  were  arrested  in 
Poland  and  Lithuania,  and  a  commission  was  insti- 

*  "  This  violation  was  made  by  the  advice  of  the  sworn  enemy  of 
Poland,  the  ferocious  Nowosilcow,  who,  during  his  long  residence  in  our 
capital,  was  only  the  imitator  of  the  barbarous  Repnin.  To  account  foi 
such  arbitrary  conduct  they  made  use,  according  to  the  Russian  custom, 
of  a  diplomatic  pretext ;  namely,  the  government  pretended  that  it  wished 
in  that  way  to  avoid  all  influence  over  the  elections.  This  motive,  in- 
deed, was  only  a  trick  employed  to  deceive  Europe,  for  the  government 
only  redoubled  its  influence."— La  Grande  Semaine  des  Polonais,  ou 
Histoire  des  Memorables  Journtes  de  la  Revolution  de  Variovie,  1831. 

f  Oginski,vol.iv.p.315. 


310  HISTORY   OF   POLAND. 

tuted,  which  is  contrary  to  the  constitution,  to  inquire 
into  the  affair.  It  consisted  of  ten  persons,  of  whom 
only  three  were  Poles.  The  only  discovery  of  the 
inquisition  was,  that  patriotic  societies  had  existed 
in  Poland  since  1821.  Nicholas,  however,  com- 
menced his  reign  by  discountenancing  this  illegal 
commission  of  inquiry,  and  referred  the  investigation 
to  the  senate. ,  Eight  of  the  principal  persons  accused 
were  selected  for  trial ;  but  they  were  acquitted  in 
1828,  with  only  one  dissentient  voice,  that  of  General 
Vincent  Krasinski.*  On  the  24th  of  May,  1829, 
Nicholas  was  crowned  at  Warsaw.f  The  sceptre, 
however,  was  soon  to  be  wrested  from  his  hand. 
The  character  of  guardians  of  liberal  institutions 
was  one  which  was  incompatible  with  Russian  feel- 
ings, education,  and  prejudices,  and  time  soon  re- 
moved the  flimsy  veil  of  pretence  and  appearances. 
Russia  had  before  been  the  guardian  of  Poland  and 
her  government;  and  other  Repnins  and  Salderns 
were  still  her  ministers.  Nicholas  had  told  the 
Poles  that  they  must,  make  "  sacrifices  ;"J  but  the 
sacrifices  which  were  exacted  were  beyond  endu- 
rance. "  The  improvement  of  the  people,"  wrote  an 
author^  in  1827,  "  is  going  on  under  a  most  extensive 
system  of  education ;  and  while  the  history  of  Po- 
land is  present  to  the  minds  of  Poles,  it  is  impossible 
that  a  patriotic  feeling  should  not  grow  up  spontane- 
ously." The  patriotic  feeling  has  sprung  up,  and  it 
would  be  cruel  indeed,  if  hopes  so  long  deferred,  but 
now  raised  so  high,  were  to  be  again  trodden  down. 

*  The  clemency  of  the  Polish  patriots  saved  the  life  of  this  man,  one 
of  the  palatines,  on  his  returning  to  Warsaw  with  his  regiment  on  the 
3d  of  December,  1830,  one  of  the  glorious  days  of  the  revolution.  He 
was  preserved  by  Szembeck  from  paying  the  penalty  of  his  lukewarm- 
ness,  and  fell  on  his  knees  protesting  his  future  devotion  to  the  public 
cause.— La  Grande  Semaine  des  Polonais. 

t  In  Le  Constitutionnel  of  the  18th  of  May,  1829,  will  be  found  a 
curious  article  concerning  this  coronation. 

I  Proclamation  of  the  25th  of  December,  1825.  "  Aidez  nous  pal 
des  sacrifices." 

§  Bowring,  Specimens  of  Polish  Poets. 


PROSPECTS    OF   POLAND.  311 

But  we  expeci  better  things ;  it  is  to  be  trusted,  for 
the  credit  of  humanity  in  the  19th  century,  that  the 
crime  of  a  Catharine,  the  treachery  of  a  Frederic 
William,  and  the  hypocrisy  of  a  Maria  Theresa  shall 
no  longer  succeed ;  but  that,  on  the  contrary,  the 
"  proud  Poles"  will  go  forth  to  victory  with,  at  least, 
the  prayers  and  good  wishes  of  all  but  their  despots ; 
and  that  true  liberty,  so  long  a  stranger  to  this  brave 
nation,  may  forget  her  predilections  as  a  "  mountain 
nymph,"  and  take  up  her  abode  once  more  in  the 
plains  of  Poland 


POLAND. 

A  NARRATIVE  OF  RECENT  EVENTS,  ETC. 


[Extracted  from  the  Metropolitan  Magazine,  No.  I.,  May,  1831.] 


Preliminary  Views— The  Grand-duke  Constantine's  Barbarities— Politi- 
cal Persecutions— Case  of  Major  Lukasinski— Revolution  of  1830— 
Attack  on  Constantine's  Palace— Escape  of  Constantine— Rise  of  the 
Engineers  and  Students — Polish  Troops  join  the  Patriots— Chlopicki 
appointed  Dictator ;  resigns  the  Command  of  the  Army  to  Skrzynecki. 

AMID  the  varied  conflicts  of  opinions  among  man- 
kind, there  are  fortunately  a  few  points  on  which 
there  appears  to  be  no  possibility  of  the  slightest 
discrepancy.  And  in  the  foremost  rank  of  these 
may  be  placed  the  gross  violation  of  any  natural 
right,  either  in  the  case  of  an  individual  or  a  nation, 
under  the  cloak  of  expediency.  In  such  cases  right 
feelings  unconsciously  give  the  first  impulse,  and 
this  is  eventually  confirmed  by  the  sober  dictates  of 
deliberate  reason.  It  is  in  this  way  that,  we  appre- 
hend, the  wrongs  of  Poland  have  excited  so  general 
an  interest  among  mankind ;  have  called  forth 
such  unqualified  indignation  against  the  partitioning 
powers,  and  such  sympathy  for  her  sufferings.  Yet 
it  may  seem  strange,  amid  such  general  sympathy, 
that  no  effort  should  have  been  made  to  save  the 
devoted  land  of  heroes.  The  truth  is,  that,  notwith- 
standing this  universal  influence,  nothing  could  be 
done  to  remedy  the  evil.  The  partitions  occurred 
when  all  Europe  was  engrossed  with  internal  affairs; 
and,  under  these  circumstances,  to  dictate  to  the 


NARRATIVE  OF  RECENT  EVENTS,  ETC.    313 

three  most  powerful  nations  in  Europe  was  impracti- 
cable; and  the  chance  of  attaining  the  object  by 
friendly  negotiations,  when  the  second  case  arose, 
was  completely  destroyed  by  the  destructive  torrent 
of  the  French  revolution,  which,  in  its  ruthless  pro- 
gress, threatened  the  annihilation  of  society,  and 
menaced  with  complete  extinction  every  institution, 
however  sacred  and  useful,  if  opposed  to  its  wild 
career.  By  such  means,  those  most  deeply  inter- 
ested in  resisting  the  very  principles  of  the  Polish 
spoliation  were  driven  (in  self-defence)  to  league 
with  her  spoliators ;  and  thus  their  power  of  vindi- 
cating her  rights  was  suspended  by  the  paramount 
necessity  of  opposing  similar  principles,  operating  on 
a  more  extended  sphere.  It  was  in  vain,  it  could  be 
clearly  demonstrated,  that  the  partition  of  Poland 
afforded  a  precedent,  no  less  than  the  fraudulent  con- 
quest of  Silesia,  for  any  act  of  political  robbery;  for 
at  that  very  moment  circumstances  rendered  it  a 
superior  consideration  to  check  the  spread  of  the 
example.  Thus,  unnoticed,  Poland  would  have  re- 
mained unconscious  of  the  enthusiastic  interest  ex- 
cited by  her  fate,  had  not  the  fervid  eloquence  of 
the  poet  and  the  orator  occasionally  betrayed  feel- 
ings of  indignant  sympathy,  and  showed  that,  though 
the  flame  was  smouldering  the  fire  was  unextin- 
guished,  and  that  it  might  afterward  burst  forth  in 
one  glorious  blaze.  At  last  a  ray  of  hope  gleamed 
on  Polish  patriotism.  In  1806  Napoleon,  then  in  the 
full  splendour  of  his  glory,  proposed  the  restoration 
of  the  kingdom  of  Poland.  With  the  political  events 
and  considerations  that  influenced  this  extraordinary 
rrian,  we  have  at  present  nothing  to  do,  further  than 
to  state  the  historical  fact  that  the  visions  which  had 
flitted  before  the  eyes  of  the  delighted  Poles  passed 
away,  that  there  was  no  restoration  of  the  kingdom 
of  Poland,  and  that  all  their  highly- wrought  expecta- 
tions terminated  in  the  erection  of  the  dutchy  of 
Warsaw  in  1807.  Political  distractions  crowded  fast 
Dd 


314  POLAND. 

upon  each  other,  and  at  last  the  dutchy  of  Warsaw 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victorious  Russians  after 
that  campaign  which  cast  Napoleon  from  the  odious 
and  unenviable  rank  of  dictator  of  the  destinies  of 
continental  Europe. 

The  negotiations  which  commenced  with  the 
downfall  of  Napoleon,  and  were  completed  by  the 
treaty  of  Paris  in  1814,  necessarily  embraced  the 
future  condition  of  Poland,  which,  though  then 
occupied  by  the  Russian  troops,  had,  from  previous 
cession  to  France,  become  a  fit  subject  of  arrange- 
ment, not  for  the  eventual  benefit  of  Russia  alone, 
but  for  that  of  the  entire  European  commonwealth. 
At  that  period  the  Emperor  Alexander  displayed  a 
spirit  of  liberality,  which  appeared  to  have  owed  its 
origin  to  various  circumstances.  Madame  de  Stael 
has  well  delineated  his  moral  character,  by  saying 
that  he  was  "  an  accident," — the  mere  creature  of 
circumstances.  Thus,  on  his  return  from  witnessing 
the  prosperity  of  this  country,  he  was  so  enamoured 
of  free  institutions,  that  he  ordained  the  establish- 
ment of  'trial  by  jury"  throughout  Poland,  within 
six  months.  In  this  he  was  carried  away  by  mere 
impulse,  without  the  slightest  regard  to  the  fitness 
or  unfitness  of  the  institution  (however  admirable  in 
some  situations)  to  the  wants,  habits,  and  even  pre- 
judices of  the  people  among  whom  he  proposed  to 
naturalize  it.  There  were,  however,  in  addition, 
some  important  considerations  which  may  not  have 
been  without  weight  in  producing  a  concession  in 
favour  of  Poland. 

Throughout  all  the  reverses  of  Napoleon,  even 
when  deserted  by  his  dearest  connexions,  the  Poles 
remained  faithful,  and  never  faltered  from  their 
allegiance.  Such  chivalrous  devotion  obtained  for 
the  gallant  Dombrowski  and  his  band  of  heroes  a 
favourable  capitulation.  But  it  was  incompatible 
with  the  policy  of  the  restored  French  government 
to  retain  in  the  centre  of  France  men  so  deeply 


NARRATIVE  OF  RECENT  EVENTS,  ETC.    315 

pledged  to  their  unsuccessful  rival.  The  Polos, 
however,  refused  to  return  to  their  native  land  with- 
out an  assurance  that  their  national  independence 
should  be  recognised.  Alexander  also  knew  that 
the  tenure  by  which  a  Russian  throne  is  held  is 
somewhat  frail,  and  appreciating  the  fidelity  of  the 
Poles,  sought  to  secure  their  devotion  by  conferring 
the  boon  most  ardently  desired;  and,  as  the  first 
mark  of  favour,  he  conferred  his  brother  Constantine 
upon  them  as  the  commander-in-chief.  It  is  probable 
that  each  of  the  enumerated  circumstances  had  an 
influence  on  the  emperor's  mind,  while  the  whole 
determined  him  to  re-erect  the  kingdom  of  Poland, 
in  opposition  to  his  first  intention  of  annexing  his 
recent  conquest  to  Russia  as  a  dependent  province. 

Austria,  at  this  time  animated,  in  all  human  proba- 
bility, by  jealousy  of  her  great  rival,  favoured  the 
scheme,  and  even  offered  to  sacrifice  a  part  of  her 
own  dominions. 

France  was  decidedly  favourable ;  while  the  British 
government  advocated  the  same  cause,  from  con- 
sidering the  future  kingdom  a  rampart  against  Rus- 
sian aggression.  This  view  was  communicated  to 
the  congress  of  Vienna  by  Lord  Castlereagh,  in  1815, 
and  he  urged  the  restoration  of  the  kingdom  of 
Poland  so  energetically,  that  his  view  was  adopted, 
and  the  hope  was  reanimated  that  the  days  of 
Sobieski  might  again  be  revived. 

The  rapidity  with  which  this  decision  was  made 
probably  owed  much  to  the  return  of  Napoleon  from 
Elba,  which  rendered  it  imperative  that  Polish  parti- 
sanship should  not  swell  the  ranks  of  the  invader. 
It  was  accordingly  decided,  that  the  grand-dutchy 
of  Warsaw  should  be  attached  to  the  empire  of 
Russia  under  the  name  of  the  kingdom  of  Poland, 
and  that  it  should  be  governed  by  separate  institu- 
tions. The  treaty  of  Vienna  contains  on  this  point 
the  following  article : — 

"  The  dutchy  of  Warsaw,  with  the  exception  ot 


316  POLAND.  r 

those  provinces  and  districts*  which  are  otherwise 
disposed  of  by  the  following  articles,  is  united  to 
Russia.  It  shall  be  irrevocably  bound  to  the  Russian 
empire  by  its  constitution,  to  be  enjoyed  by  his  majesty 
the  emperor  of  all  the  Russias,  his  heirs,  and  succes- 
sors for  ever." 

Thus  it  was  established,  that  by  the  constitution 
alone  the  two  sovereignties  were  united  under  one 
head.  It  is  curious  to  remark  the  opinions  of  the 
Emperor  Alexander  himself  on  this  point,  as  dis- 
played in  a  letter  from  him,  dated  Vienna,  30th  of 
April,  1815,  to  Count  Ostrowski,  the  president  of  the 
Polish  senate : — 

"  President  of  the  senate,  Count  Ostrowski, 

"  It  is  with  peculiar  satisfaction  that  I  announce 
to  you,  that  the  destiny  of  your  country  is  about  to 
be  fixed  by  the  concurrence  of  all  the  powers  assem- 
bled at  the  congress  of  Vienna. 

"  The  kingdom  of  Poland  shall  be  united  to  the 
empire  of  Russia  by  the  title  of  its  own  constitution, 
on  which  I  am  desirous  of  founding  the  happiness  of 
the  country.  If  the  great  interests  involved  in  gene- 
ral tranquillity  have  not  permitted  all  the  Poles  to  be 
united  under  one  sceptre,  I  have  at  least  endeavoured 
to  the  uttermost  of  my  power  to  soften  the  hardships 
of  their  separation,  and  every  where  to  obtain  for 
them,  as  far  as  practicable,  the  enjoyments  of  their 
nationality."  This  was  published  according  to  an 
authority  given  by  the  emperor  to  the  court. 

Thus  a  part  of  Poland  was  re-established  as  a 
separate  state,  by  the  act  of  all  the  powers  of  Europe  ; 
and  although  the  Emperor  of  Russia  was  to  be  king 
of  Poland,  still  the  independence  and  separate  exist- 
ence of  the  kingdom  were  perfect.  We  shall  here- 
after see  how  consistently  these  principles  have  been 
maintained. 

From  the  time  of  the  first  re-establishment  of  the 
kingdom  until  1820,  the  affairs  of  Poland  went  on 
apparently  in  conformity  with  the  constitution ;  but 


NARRATIVE  OF  RECENT  EVENTS,  ETC.    317 

there  were  perpetual  breaches  of  that  formal  grant, 
until  the  Spanish  revolution  burst  forth :  then  the  in- 
trigues of  Austria,  and  the  apprehension  entertained 
by  Alexander  himself  of  military  revolution,  led  to 
the  establishment  of  the  sadly-misnamed  Holy  Alli- 
ance, and  an  attempt  was  made  to  suppress  entirely 
in  Poland  the  spirit  of  national  independence,  which 
at  one  time,  if  not  actually  fostered,  had  been  cheered 
by  the  smiles  of  the  autocrat. 

The  Count  Zaionczek,  a  Pole,  was  nominally  the 
king's  lieutenant,  but  the  real  power  was  invested  in 
the  grand-duke  Constantine,  who  held  the  appoint- 
ment of  commander-in-chief  of  the  army.  This  per- 
sonage, who  has  played  so  conspicuous  a  part  in  the 
affairs  of  Poland,  is  worthy  of  something  more  than 
a  mere  passing  notice.  Though  possessed  of  very 
'  considerable  talents,  he  is,  in  fact,  an  untamed  tiger, 
giving  way  on  all  occasions  to  the  most  violent 
paroxysms  of  temper.  -He  has  a  deep  sense  of  the 
rights  of  his  order,  and  holds  the  feelings  of  every 
other  class  of  human  beings  as  absolutely  naught.  So 
soon,  therefore,  as  he  found  that  his  imperial  brother 
was  no  longer  the  liberal  patron  of  constitutional 
rights,  he  gave  the  most  unrestrained  license  to  his 
capricious  and  violent  injustice.  A  few  instances 
are  better  than  general  assertion : — A  most  opulent 
and  respectable  man  named  Woloski,  the  principal 
brewer  of  Warsaw,  had,  through  some  of  his  people, 
without  his  own  knowledge,  hired  as  a  servant  in  his 
establishment  a  Russian  deserter.  The  offender  was 
detected,  and  proof  of  innocence  on  the  part  of  his 
employer  being  disallowed,  the  grand-duke,  by  his 
individual  decree,  ordered  this  respectable  individual 
to  be  fettered,  and  in  that  condition  he  was  com- 
pelled to  work  with  a  wheelbarrow  in  the  public 
streets !  His  daughter,  an  amiable  young  lady,  ven- 
tured to  appeal  to  the  mercy  of  the  grand-duke  in 
behalf  of  her  parent;  and  the  unmanly  monster 
kicked  her  down  stairs,  using  at  the  same  time  the 
Dd2 


318  POLAND. 

most  abusive  language.  In  the  same  way,  he  caused 
two  Polish  officers  to  be  seized  in  the  dead  of  night, 
and  without  trial,  or  even  accusation,  sent  them  to 
Russia.  Some  of  the  publishers  of  Warsaw  having 
incurred  his  displeasure,  he  sent  soldiers  in  the 
middle  of  the  night  to  break  up  the  presses  and  to 
destroy  the  types.  Taxes  were  levied  without  con- 
sulting the  diet ;  and  when  a  distinguished  member, 
Niemoyewski,  protested  against  such  proceedings, 
he  was  arrested  and  sent  to  his  country-house  under 
the  charge  of  Cossacks,  who  kept  him  there  for  ten 
years,  notwithstanding  the  most  urgent  affairs  that 
required  his  attention  elsewhere.  The  students,  too, 
especially  at  Wilna,  were  persecuted  and  harassed 
by  a  most  notorious  person,  named  Nowozilzoff, 
who  succeeded  Prince  Adam  Czartoryski  as  curator 
of  the  universities.  This  fit  tool  in  Constantine's 
hands  displayed  on  every  occasion  the  most  atro- 
cious rapacity  and  an  entire  absence  of  common 
humanity.  One  of  the  richest  inhabitants  of  Lithua- 
nia had  been  arrested  at  the  instance  of  this  modern 
Sejanus ;  but  15,000  ducats,  or  7000/.  sterling,  effected 
his  liberation.  His  most  infamous  act,  if  it  be  pos- 
sible to  give  any  pre-eminence  in  acts  all  most  pre- 
eminently wicked,  was  performed  on  the  following 
occasion : — A  boy  of  nine  years  of  age,  a  son  of 
Count  Plater,  had  in  the  playfulness  of  childhood 
written  in  chalk  on  one  of  the  forms,  "  The  3d  of  May 
for  ever  !"  that  being  the  anniversary  of  Kosciusko's 
constitution.  The  fact  was  discovered  by  some  of 
the  innumerable  spies,  employed  even  among  these 
infants,  to  Nowozilzoff,  who  instituted  an  inquiry 
among  the  boys — not  one  would  betray  poor  Plater : 
they  were  all  ordered  to  be  flogged  with  the  utmost 
severity!  The  unhappy  offender  declared  that  he 
had  written  the  offensive  words.  The  grand-duke 
condemned  him  to  be  a  soldier  for  life,  incapable  of 
advancement  in  the  army;  and  when  his  mother 
threw  herself  before  his  carriage  to  implore  forgive- 


NARRATIVE  OF  RECENT  EVENTS,  ETC.    319 

ness  for  her  wretched  child,  he  spurned  her  like  a 
dog  with  his  foot ! 

Every  one  possessed  of  the  means  naturally  fled 
from  such  unheard-of  tyranny,  and,  among  others, 
a  highly  accomplished  gentleman,  who  sought  refuge 
in  London.  Constantine  sent  an  emissary  after  him, 
in  the  foolish  belief  that  he  could  carry  him  off.  The 
emissary  soon  discovered  the  folly  of  his  errand,  and 
returned,  to  the  great  chagrin  of  his  master. 

Shaving  the  heads  of  females  who  displeased  him 
was  a  common  occurrence ;  and,  on  one  occasion, 
four  soldiers  were  severely  punished  because  they 
abstained  from  carrying  such  an  order  into  effect,  as 
they  found  it  impossible  to  do  so  without  using  per- 
sonal violence.  Tarring  and  feathering  the  shaved 
heads  of  the  offenders  was  also  a  favourite  recrea- 
tion of  the  commander-in-chief,  whose  delight  it  was 
to  witness  these  barbarities. 

This  career  of  cruelty  and  oppression  on  one  oc- 
casion met  with  a  reproof,  and  the  manner  in 
which  it  was  received  is  too  illustrative  of  the  grand- 
duke's  character  not  to  be  recorded :  Among  other 
subjects  of  his  oppression  was  a  Polish  officer  of 
rank,  who  was  confined  in  a  foul  dungeon  placed 
under  a  common  sewer.  There  the  unhappy  man 
was  wasting  away  in  a  noisome  and  pestilential  at- 
mosphere. This  happened  to  reach  the  ears  of  one 
of  those  men  who  do  honour  to  their  high  calling, — 
a  bold,  intrepid  priest,  who  considered  himself  bound, 
as  the  minister  of  a  benevolent  Deity,  to  interpose, 
and  if  possible  to  soften  the  obdurate  heart  of  the 
tyrant.  By  the  mere  accident  of  receiving  permis- 
sion from  the  grand-duke  Michael,  he  was  admitted 
to  Constantino's  presence.  He  stated  the  object  of 
his  visit  firmly  but  respectfully.  The  grand-duke 
stormed — the  priest  declared,  that  undeterred  by 
menaces  he  would  fulfil  what  he  deemed  a  para- 
mount duty.  Astonished  at  this,  the  grand-duke 
sprang  out  of  the  window,  declaring  that  there  was 


320  POLAND. 

a  madman  within.  The  priest  was  conveyed  to  a 
convent,  where  he  was  confined ;  but,  his  interference 
effected  no  relief  to  the  individual  he  sought  to  serve, 
nor  did  he  obtain  any  general  relaxation. 

While  acts  of  private  oppression  were  calling  forth 
all  the  hatred  to  Russia  which  is  the  birthright  of 
every  Pole,  political  tyranny  was  superadded,  as  if 
it  were  desirable  to  concentrate  upon  one  point  the 
entire  indignation  of  a  brave  and  devoted  people. 
We  have  already  adverted  to  the  patriotic  associa- 
tion, modelled  almost  after  the  recommendation  of 
the  Emperor  Alexander.  This  association,  formed 
by  the  celebrated  General  Dombrowski,  had  at  first 
a  masonic  and  military  character ;  having,  as  its 
object,  mutual  good  offices  among  the  army.  Its 
existence  was  perfectly  known  to  Alexander ;  who 
alleged  in  his  discourses  to  the  diet,  and  indeed  on 
all  occasions,  that  he  could  not  reunite,  as  he  ear- 
nestly desired,  the  Polish  provinces  in  actual  union 
with  Russia,  with  the  revived  kingdom,  because  he 
could  not  discover  among  them  either  a  Polish  spirit 
or  a  desire  to  become  Poles.  He  therefore  recom- 
mended that  the  association  formed  should  extend  its 
objects  and  become  the  means  of  promoting  a 
national  spirit.  Of  his  intervention  abundant  proof 
was  furnished,  in  prosecutions  on  which  we  shall 
hereafter  touch.  For  a  time  this  recommendation 
was  not  acted  upon ;  but  in  1820  it  was  adopted-, 
when  unhappily  the  causes,  as  we  have  already  seen, 
which  effected  an  entire  revolution  in  the  emperor's 
political  views,  induced  him  to  denounce  the  associa- 
tion as  treasonable.  And  for  its  suppression,  in 
direct  violation  of  the  constitution,  he  appointed  a 
military  commission,  which  tried  and  condemned 
civilians  without  any  of  the  prescribed  formalities ; 
and,  as  if  he  were  desirous  of  rendering  its  proceed- 
ings still  more  odious,  he  composed  it  of  men  of 
infamous  character, — Hauke,  Blomer,  Kornatowski, 
Chankiewicz,  and  others,  mere  tools  of  the  grand- 


NARRATIVE  OF  RECENT  EVENTS,  ETC.    321 

duke ;  who,  in  point  of  fact,  issued  the  proclama- 
tions, dictated  the  sentences,  and  provided  for  their 
due  execution.  One  of  the  most  atrocious  acts  of 
this  most  atrocious  period  is  the  treatment  of  Major 
Lukasinski,  a  Polish  officer  of  high  character  and 
blameless  life.  He  was  distinguished  by  the  grand- 
duke,  indeed  was  especially  favoured  on  all  occasions ; 
but,  being  a  member  of  the  association  at  the  time 
that  it  became  particularly  obnoxious,  he  was  arrested, 
and  after  some  time  brought  into  the  presence  of  his 
imperious  chief;  who,  addressing  him  in  terms  of 
kindness  and  friendship,  invited  him  to  repose  con- 
fidence in  the  known  attachment  he  felt  for  him: 
thus  thrown  off  his  guard,  the  unhappy  man  spoke 
with  frankness  and  candour.  He  was  removed  to  his 
dungeon,  tried  on  his  confession  to  the  grand-duke, 
was  convicted,  and  condemned  to  be  deprived  of  all 
his  honours,  to  chains,  and  to  perpetual  imprison- 
ment. In  compliance  with  this  sentence,  he  was 
conveyed  to  the  fortress  of  Zamosc,  where  upwards 
of  a  thousand  persons  similarly  circumstanced  were 
confined.  One  of  the  grand-duke's  emissaries  was 
introduced  into  the  prison ;  he  got  up  a  conspiracy 
for  effecting  the  escape  of  the  prisoners,  and,  without 
the  privity  of  the  wretched  Lukasinski,  contrived  to 
procure  his  nomination  as  the  leader  of  the  con- 
spirators. Then  further  persecutions  were  instituted, 
and  for  this  imputed  crime,  which,  even  if  real,  could 
not  be  blamed  by  any  man,  he  was  condemned  to 
death.  This  was,  however,  too  humane ;  death  would 
have  afforded  relief  to  the  wearied  sufferer,  which 
was  not  the  object  of  Constantine.  It  was  therefore 
commuted  to  perpetual  imprisonment  and  a  WEEKLY 
FLOGGING  !  And  it  was  directed  that  a  record  should 
be  kept  for  Constantino's  especial  information  of  the 
effect  of  each  blow  on  the  wretched  victim !  Hu- 
manity recoils  at  recording  such  atrocity,  such  cold- 
blooded ferocity ;  and  we  should  not  have  ventured 
on  making  the  statement,  had  not  the  facts  been 


322  POLAND. 

attested  by  documents  found  among  the  papers  of 
the  grand-duke  after  his  precipitate  retreat  from 
Warsaw  last  November.  To  guard  against  the  pos- 
sibility of  relief  or  escape,  Lukasinski  was  alter- 
nately confined  in  a  prison  in  the  heart  of  Warsaw, 
or  in  the  fortress  of  Goura;  and  he  was  instantly 
removed,  if  the  scene  of  his  actual  sufferings  were 
even  suspected.  Unfortunately  for  him,  at  the 
moment  of  the  insurrection  of  Warsaw  he  was  at 
Goura ;  and  although  jewels,  papers,  and  other  valua- 
bles were  left  behind,  Lukasinski  was  too  precious  not 
to  be  carried  off  with  scrupulous  care.  The  actual 
history  of  his  sufferings  would  have  contributed  to 
animate  even  the  most  torpid  patriotism,  when  even 
the  imperfect  statements  that  are  now  communicated 
to  the  English  public  cannot  fail  to  excite  a  disgust 
and  detestation  for  the  tyrant,  only  equalled  by  the 
sympathy  for  the  victim  of  his  persecution.  But  not- 
withstanding these  increasing  grounds  of  dissatis- 
faction,— nay,  of  deep  and  unqualified  abhorrence, — 
the  good  sense  of  the  associated  regenerators  of 
their  country's  freedom  prevailed  over  their  excited 
feelings.  The  ferocity  of  the  unprincipled  savage 
but  confirmed  them  in  the  path  of  duty,  and  in  the 
necessity  of  the  utmost  caution.  Yet  thus  rendered 
circumspect,  they  never  forgot  that  these  practical 
illustrations  of  tyranny  imposed  upon  them  addi- 
tional and  more  urgent  duties  to  their  country. 
Under  these  convictions  they  restricted  their  opera- 
tions to  the  most  narrow  limit,  and  nothing  beyond 
Poland  and  Poles  was  ever  regarded  in  even  a 
speculative  view.  Yet,  in  spite  of  all  this  caution,  on 
the  breaking  out  of  the  Russian  conspiracy,  after  the 
death  of  Alexander,  in  favour  of  Constantine,  in  oppo- 
sition to  his  younger  brother  the  present  emperor, 
attempts  were  made  to  connect  the  Polish  associa- 
tion with  the  Russian  revolt. 

Under  this  pretext  an  immense  number  of  the  as- 
sociation, already  in  bad  odour  from  having  been 


NARRATIVE  OF  RECENT  EVENTS,  ETC.   323 

denounced  by  Alexander,  were  arrested.  The  most 
chosen  victims  were  persons  eminent  for  their  rank, 
attainments,  virtues,  and  patriotism ;  not  that  noisy 
and  presumptuous  quality  miscalled  patriotism,  which 
displays  itself  in  idle  declamation  and  useless  turbu- 
lence, but  in  that  silent  devotion  to  the  best  interests 
of  their  country,  illustrated  by  improving  its  con- 
dition  and  by  promoting  every  measure  calculated  to 
benefit  the  people.  The  individuals  so  arrested  were 
declared  by  an  imperial  ordinance  to  be  guilty,  in 
defiance  of  an  acquittal  by  the  senate,  which  alone 
could  legally  investigate  the  charges.  The  imperial 
decree  then  issued,  condemning  the  accused  to  im- 
prisonment, exile,  and  every  penalty  that  unprinci- 
pled caprice  could  suggest.  In  this  career  of  criminal 
folly  a  singular  step  was  taken,  without  the  chief 
movers  conceiving  it  possible  to  produce  some  most 
important  effects  in  the  sequel.  The  whole  of  the 
alleged  offences  were  published,  the  defence  sup- 
pressed ;  but,  as  these  offences  involved  only  what 
every  Pole  ( felt  to  be  a  sacred  duty,  the  disclosure 
produced  fresh  ardour  in  the  cause,  and  led  to  the 
establishment  of  innumerable  other  associations,  all 
of  which  conduced  mainly  to  the  recent  explosion. 

Among  the  illustrious  men  there  is  a  gentleman, 
now  in  London,  whose  personal  suffering  may  be 
considered  a  fair  example  of  the  system  pursued. 
His  career  may  be  described  as  one  of  pain  and 
misery.  His  father — a  distinguished  champion  of  the 
liberties  of  his  country  at  the  period  of  the  last  par- 
tition— was  expatriated  ;  being  accompanied  with  his 
wife,  the  subject  of  the  present  detail  was  born  during 
their  flight,  and  was  seized  with  his  father's  property 
by  the  government!  He  was  placed  with  a  man 
who  appears  to  have  possessed  some  of  the  feelings 
of  humanity,  for  on  the  death  of  his  own  child,  he 
reported  the  stranger  to  be  dead,  at  the  same  time 
restoring  him  to  his  parents.  Subsequently  to  the 
establishment  of  the  dutchy  of  Warsaw,  he  entered 


324  POLAND. 

the  service  of  Napoleon,  and  served  with  distinction  $ 
but  was  taken  prisoner  in  1812,  and  was  three  years 
in  prison.  After  the  cession  to  Russia,  and  the  es- 
tablishment of  the  kingdom,  he  wished  to  retire  from 
military  life ;  and,  after  fourteen  refusals  to  accept 
his  resignation,  the  permission  to  retire  was  most 
ungraciously  granted.  His  pertinacity  had  offended, 
and  his  integrity  made  him  a  marked  man.  Accord- 
ingly, on  the  occasion  of  which  we  speak,  he  was 
arrested  (having  at  that  time  previously  spent  about 
seven  years  in  Russian  prisons),  and  without  condem- 
nation placed  in  a  dark  dungeon,  where  for  eleven 
months  he  neither  saw  the  face  of  man  nor  the  light 
of  day.  At  the  expiration  of  that  time  he,  with 
others,  was  suddenly  taken  from  their  cells,  thrown 
into  common  carts,  and  conveyed  under  a  burning 
sun  to  St.  Petersburg,  where  he  was  kept  in  rigorous 
custody,  until  he  had  completed  his  fourth  year  of 
additional  captivity.  Almost  at  the  moment  of  his 
arrest  he  had  been  married  to  a  lovely  and  amiable 
female :  he  had  no  intercourse  with  his  family  during 
his  wearisome  confinement ;  and  when  he  returned  to 
be  cheered  by  domestic  affection,  he  found  that  he 
had  become  a  father,  but  that  his  wife,  worn  out  by 
her  feelings,  was  no  longer  the  beautiful  partner  of 
his  hopes  and  fears,  but  an  exhausted  being,  dropping 
fast  into  her  grave. — She  died  in  two  months !  Acts 
like  these  necessarily  roused  that  spirit  which  has 
since  spoken  in  the  voice  of  thunder  to  the  oppressor. 
The  suppressed  indignation  burst  forth  on  the  30th 
of  November,  1830,  in  the  following  manner : — The 
police  of  the  grand-duke,  ever  on  the  alert  to  render 
themselves  acceptable  to  their  master,  by  affording 
him  objects  on  which  he  might  wreak  his  ruthless 
passions,  planned  an  association  for  the  purpose  of 
involving  the  most  respectable  and  distinguished  per- 
sons in  Poland;  and  for  that  purpose  inveigled  a 
number  of  ardent  youths,  just  after  the  revolution  in 
Paris,  to  attend  meetings,  and  to  avow  patriotic 


NARRATIVE  OF  RECENT  EVENTS,  ETC.    325 

opinions.  The  prime  conspirator,  either  from  indo- 
lence, or  a  belief  that  there  might  be  danger  in  de- 
vising a  new  organization  for  the  association,  used 
that  which  had  been  discovered  during  the  early 
proceedings  against  the  patriots.  A  copy  of  this 
scheme  falling  into  the  hands  of  some  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  actual  associations,  excited  a  suspicion 
that  they  had  been  betrayed ;  and  the  recollection 
of  former  horrors  decided  them  to  take  instant 
measures  for  liberating  themselves  from  their  de- 
testable thraldom. 

Constantine  had  established  a  school  for  the  edu- 
cation of  inferior  officers,  with  a  view  to  destroying 
the  national  character  in  the  army.  The  numbers  at 
this  establishment  were  at  this  time  180,  of  whom 
not  more  than  six  or  eight  were  parties  to  the  asso- 
ciation. These,  however,  early  in  the  evening  of  the 
day  already  mentioned,  went  into  their  barrack,  ad- 
dressed their  comrades,  explained  their  views,  and 
without  a  single  dissentient,  not  even  excepting  one 
individual  who  was  sick  in  bed,  they  armed  them- 
selves, and  commenced  their  operations. 

In  order  to  understand  their  proceedings  it  is  ne- 
cessary to  give  a  short  account  of  local  circumstances. 
The  grand-duke,  though  affecting  a  reckless  courage 
on  all  occasions,  did  not  choose  to  incur  the  risk  of 
living  in  the  centre  of  Warsaw,  but  established  him- 
self at  the  palace  of  Belveder  in  the  outskirts  of  the 
city,  having  at  a  short  distance  the  barracks  of  three 
regiments  of  Russian  guards.  From  some  whimsical 
motive  he  surrounded  the  barrack  with  a  wide  and 
deep  ditch,  over  which  somejvery  narrow  bridges  were 
thrown,  so  that  by  boats  it  was  most  conveniently 
crossed.  Constantine  had  no  guards  about  his  resi- 
dence, but  the  disguised  spies  were  so  numerous, 
that  no  stranger  could  approach  beyond  the  outer 
gate  without  interruption.  The  habits  of  the  grand- 
duke,  too,  favoured  the  plan  of  the  conspirators. 
His  usual  practice  was  to  rise  at  four,  to  appear 
Ee 


326  POLAND. 

among  the  troops  and  in  public  until  his  hour  of 
dinner,  which  is  two  in  the  afternoon ;  then  to  retire 
to  bed,  sleep  until  seven  or  eight  o'clock,  then  rise 
again  and  devote  himself  to  amusement  for  the  eve- 
ning. The  hour  chosen  for  proceeding  to  his  palace, 
for  the  purpose  of  making  him  a  prisoner  to  be  de- 
tained as  a  hostage,  was  seven.  At  that  time 
the  young  soldiers  proceeded  to  the  bridge  of 
Sobieski,  where  the  main  body  posted  themselves, 
while  a  dozen  of  the  most  determined  pressed  for- 
ward to  complete  their  object.  They  forced  their 
way  into  the  palace,  where  they  were  first  opposed 
by  the  director  of  the  police,  one  Lubowidizki,  who 
fled  on  being  wounded :  next  they  encountered  the 
Russian  General  Gendre,  a  man  infamous  for  his 
crimes ;  he  was  killed  in  the  act  of  resisting.  Lastly, 
when  on  the  point  of  reaching  the  bedchamber  of  the 
grand-duke,  who,  alarmed,  had  just  risen,  they  were 
stopped  by  the  valet-de-chambre  Kochanowski,  who 
by  closing  a  secret  door  enabled  his  master  to  escape 
undressed  through  the  window.  He  fled  to  his 
guards,  who  instantly  turned  out.  Disappointed  in 
their  prey,  the  devoted  band  rejoined  their  com- 
panions at  the  bridge  of  Sobieski,  where  they  had 
been  awaiting  the  result  of  the  plan.  On  finding 
that  the  first  object  had  failed,  they  resolved  on  re- 
turning into  the  city.  In  doing  this  it  was  neces- 
sary to  pass  close  to  the  barracks,  where  the  soldiers 
were  already  mounted,  but  unable  to  cross  the  ditch 
from  the  precautionary  arrangements  of  the  small 
bridges.  They  could  therefore  only  fire  on  the 
hostile  party,  who,  from  being  thus  peculiarly  situ- 
ated, returned  the  fire  so  briskly  that  they  killed  300 
before  they  retreated,  carrying  off  only  one  of  their 
party  wounded.  On  reaching  the  city,  they  instantly 
liberated  every  state  prisoner,  were  joined  by  the 
school  of  the  engineers  and  the  students  of  the  uni- 
versity. A  party  entered  the  only  two  theatres 
open,  calling  out  "  Women,  home — men,  to  arms  I" 


NARRATIVE  OF  RECENT  EVENTS,  ETC.   327 

Both  requisitions  were  instantaneously  complied 
with.  The  arsenal  was  next  forced ;  and,  in  one 
hour  and  a  half  from  the  first  movement,  so  electrical 
was  the  cry  of  liberty,  that  40,000  men  were  in  arms. 
The  sappers  and  the  fourth  Polish  regiment  declared 
in  favour  of  the  insurrection  very  soon :  and  by 
eleven  o'clock  the  remainder  of  the  Polish  troops 
in  Warsaw,  declaring  that  their  children  were  too 
deeply  compromised  to  be  abandoned,  espoused  the 
popular  cause.  On  learning  this  the  grand-duke  fell 
back,  forcing  two  regiments  of  Polish  guards  along 
with  him. 

Nowozilzoff,  the  criminal  coadjutor  of  the  grand- 
duke,  from  some  presentiment  of  danger,  had  gone 
to  St.  Petersburg  a  day  before  the  revolution  broke 
out.  The  functionaries,  thus  abandoned,  to  check 
the  spread  of  principles  opposed  to  those  of  Russian 
policy,  invited  the  most  distinguished  patriots  to  join 
them.  These  were  Czartoryski,*  Radziwill,  Niem- 
cewicz,  Chlopicki,  Pa9,  Kochnowski,  and  Lelewel. 
No  good,  however,  resulted  from  this  heterogeneous 
assemblage ;  for,  in  the  hope  of  accommodation,  the 
patriots  were  induced  to  allow  the  grand-duke  to 
retire  under  a  convention,  when  they  might  have 
captured  his  entire  army.  The  escape  of  so  detested 
a  person  and  his  myrmidons  excited  great  dissatis- 
faction ;  but  no  excess  was  committed,  although  the 
exuberance  of  joy  among  the  patriot  bands  produced 
a  thousand  extravagant  demonstrations  of  their 
feelings.  Disorder  might,  however,  have  followed; 
and  Chlopicki,  a  man  of  stern  character  and  known 
devotion  to  the  cause,  declared  himself  dictator ;  a 
declaration  that  was  universally  satisfactory,  from 
the  acknowledged  qualities  of  the  man.  The  attempt 
to  blend  his  military  duties  with  political  details,  in 
the  end,  proved  more  than  he  was  equal  to.  He 
summoned  the  diet,  and  SCLC  negotiators  (Prince 

*  See  note,  p.  329. 


328  POLAND. 

Lubecki  and  Mr.  lezierski)  to  St.  Petersburg,  he  de- 
manded uncontrolled  authority,  which  was  granted 
with  one  dissentient  voice.  lezierski  returned  from 
Petersburg  unsuccessful ;  as  the  basis  of  negotiation 
insisted  upon  by  the  emperor  was  unconditional  sub- 
mission. Chlopicki,  dissatisfied  with  his  own  fail- 
ure, retired,  and  for  two  days  there  was  no  executive 
power;  yet  no  one  breathed  a  thought  of  aban- 
doning the  cause.  The  diet  then  chose  Radziwill 
as  commander-in-chief :  though  brave,  honourable, 
and  intelligent,  he  wanted  military  experience ;  and 
assumed  the  authority  merely  to  prevent  anarchy. 
Chlopicki  discharged  the  functions  of  the  major- 
general  of  the  army ;  and  the  prince,  with  the  ap- 
proval of  all  classes,  soon  resigned  the  supreme 
command  to  the  present  generalissimo,  Skrzynecki, 
who  has  so  nobly  vindicated  his  claim  to  the  ardu- 
ous task  imposed  upon  him. 


PRINCE  CZARTORYSK1. 


NOTE    TO    PAGE    327. 


THIS  illustrious  personage,  Prince  Adam  Czartoryski,  is 
the  eldest  son  of  the  late  prince  of  the  same  house,  and  is 
descended  from  the  family  of  Jagellon,  the  ancient  sove- 
reigns of  Lithuania.  His  father  was  long  known,  not  only 
as  a  nobleman  of  the  first  rank  in  Poland,  but  as  one  of  the 
most  accomplished  scholars  in  Europe.  Such  was  his  repu- 
tation, that  at  the  period  of  the  last  vacancy  in  the  throne 
of  Poland,  Poniatowski  (afterward  king)  was  deputed  by  the 
diet  to  propitiate  the  Empress  Catharine,  to  second  the 
election  of  Czartoryski ;  but  the  deputy's  handsome  form 
found  such  favour  in  the  licentious  eyes  of  the  modern  Mes- 
salina,  that  he  ceased  to  urge  the  suit  of  the  diet,  and 
returned  the  avowed  nominee  of  his  imperial  mistress. 
Prince  Czartory ski's  claims  on  the  throne,  popularity,  and 
consequent  influence  rendered  him  odious  to  the  court  of 
St.  Petersburg ;  and  when  the  last  act  of  spoliation  was  per- 
petrated, his  lands  were  ravaged,  his  beautiful  castle  of 
Pulawy  destroyed,  and  a  sentence  of  extermination  pro- 
nounced against  him,  unless  he  would  consent  to  send  his 
two  sons,  one  the  subject  of  this  notice,  and  the  other 
Prince  Constantino  Czartoryski,  as  hostages  to  St.  Peters- 
burg. To  avoid  this  wretched  alternative,  the  prince  and 
his  princess,  who  still  survives,  consented  to  the  separation, 
and  the  two  young  noblemen  were  placed  under  the  eye  of 
those  who  were  deemed  worthy,  by  the  autocrat,  of  reform- 
ing their  principles.  The  talents  displayed  by  both  brothers 
soon  obtained  for  them  the  admiration  of  the  court  ;  and  as 
it  was  of  great  importance  to  gain  them  over,  every  mark  of 
imperial  favour  was  heaped  upon  them  by  the  Emperor 
Alexander,  with  whom,  from  infancy,  they  had  established 
terms  of  the  utmost  familiarity.  The  elder  brother  held  for 
EeS 


330  PRINCE    CZARTORYSKI. 

a  long  time  the  portfolio  of  the  foreign  office,  and,  in  his 
official  capacity,  accompanied  his  imperial  master  to  the 
scenes  of  some  of  his  most  serious  disasters.  During  Na- 
poleon's invasion,  Prince  Constantine  was  in  Poland,  and 
confiding  in  the  integrity  of  the  then  master  of  the  destinies 
of  Europe,  and  breathing  naught  but  freedom  for  his 
country,  he  joined  the  banners  of  the  invader,  and  raised  a 
regiment  at  his  own  expense  to  aid  in  the  cause  of  libera- 
tion. At  Smolensk  he  received  a  severe  wound,  from  the 
effects  of  which  he  has  never  yet  recovered.  He  resides 
at  Vienna. 

The  influence  of  Prince  Adam  Czartoryski  proved  to  be 
singularly  useful  to  Poland  after  the  downfall  of  Napoleon. 
He  interposed,  and  interposed  successfully,  between  the 
anger  of  Alexander  and  his  suffering  country  ;  and,  on  the 
establishment  of  the  kingdom  of'Poland,  was  appointed  the 
curator  of  all  the  universities,  both  there  and  in  the  incor- 
porated provinces.    These  duties  he  sedulously  discharged, 
until  he  was  superseded  by  the  notorious  Count  NovozilzofT. 
From  this  period  he  has  lived  in  retirement,  faithfully  per- 
forming all  the  duties  of  private  life.     The  promotion  of 
agriculture,  science  in  all  its  branches,  and  kindly  offices 
among   mankind  constituted  his  occupations  until  recent 
events  drew  him  from  his  privacy.     The  first  call  was  made 
by  the  Russian  functionaries,  as  stated  in  the  text,  for  the 
purpose  of  self- protection  ;  the  second  was  that  of  his  de» 
voted  country,  when  a  government  was  essential  to  success. 
He  was  chosen  not  only  one  of  the  five  members  of  the 
executive  body,  but  its  president,  a  station  which  he  still 
honourably  fills.     Into  his  new  office  he  has  carried  all  the 
unostentatious  and  disinterested  virtues  that  adorned  Pu- 
lawy,  and  there  is  little  doubt  that  if  (and  no  one  suspects 
that  such  will  not  be  the  case)  the  independence  of  Poland 
be  fairly  won,  the  choice  of  his  country  will  point  to  him 
as  its  sovereign.     Having  finished  his  academical  career  at 
the  university  of  Edinburgh,  he  early  acquired  a  strong 
taste  for  English  institutions  and  for  Englishmen,  and  of 
this  he  gave  substantial  proof  by  devoting  250L  a-year  to 
the  exclusive  purchase  of  English  books.    His  revenues  are 
enormous,  but  his  liberality  is  unbounded ;  and  as  it  is  a 
rule  in  his  munificent  establishment  to  provide  liberally  for 
the  families  of  all  his  dependants,  his  means  are  compara- 


PRINCE    CZARTORYSKI.  331 

tively  restricted,  but  his  personal  wants  are  few ;  and  that 
he  is  ready  to  accommodate  himself  to  circumstances  was 
well  shown  by  his  only  observation  on  hearing  of  the  con- 
fiscation of  his  large  property  in  Fodolia  by  Nicholas. 
"  Instead  of  riding,  I  must  walk;  and  instead  of  sumptuous 
fare,  I  must  dine  on  buckwheat."*  Such  is  a  faint  outline 
of  this  illustrious  man's  character.  Were  it  only  for  the 
admirable  example  of  such  an  individual  guiding  the  reins 
of  the  government  of  a  devoted  people,  it  is  most  ardently 
to  be  hoped  that  Poland  may  triumph  over  her  enemies,  and 
be  raised  to  that  rank  from  which  she  was  degraded  only 
by  the  basest  of  treasons. 

*  The  common  food  of  the  poor. 


APPENDIX. 


THE  following  extracts  from  the  Constitution 
given  by  Alexander  to  the  kingdom  of  Poland  are 
annexed,  to  show  how  far  the  Russians  violated  the 
laws  made  by  themselves.  Both  in  letter  and  in 
spirit,  the  whole  were  arbitrarily  abrogated. 

PRINCIPAL   ARTICLES    OF    THE    CONSTITUTIONAL 
CHARTER   OF    POLAND. 

SECTION  I. 

Political  Relations  of  the  Kingdom. 

ARTCLE  3. 

The  crown  of  the  kingdom  of  Poland  is  hereditary  in  our 
person,  and  that  of  our  descendants,  heirs,  and  successors, 
according  to  the  order  of  succession  established  for  the  im- 
perial throne  of  Russia. 

ARTICLE  8. 

The  external  political  relations  of  our  empire  shall  be 
common  to  the  kingdom  of  Poland. 

SECTION  II. 

General  Guarantees. 

ARTICLE  11. 

The  Roman  Catholic  religion,  professed  by  the  greatest 
part  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  kingdom  of  Poland,  shall  be 
the  object  of  the  peculiar  care  of  the  government,  but  with- 


334  APPENDIX. 

out  derogating  at  all  from  the  liberty  of  other  forms  of  wor- 
ship, which,  without  exception,  may  be  followed,  and  enjoy 
the  protection  of  government.  The  difference  in  Christian 
sects  makes  none  in  the  enjoyment  of  civil  and  political 
rights. 

ARTICLE  16. 

The  liberty  of  the  press  is  guarantied.  The  law  will 
regulate  the  means  of  repressing  its  abuses. 

ARTICLE  17. 

The  law  equally  protects  all  citizens,  without  distinction 
as  to  class  or  condition. 

ARTICLE  19. 

No  person  shall  be  arrested,  but  according  to  the  forms 
and  in  cases  determined  by  law. 

ARTICLE  21. 

Every  individual  arrested  shall  be  brought,  within  three 
days  at  furthest,  before  a  competent  tribunal,  to  be  exam- 
ined or  judged  according  to  the  prescribed  forms.  If  he  is 
acquitted  at  the  first  investigation,  he  shall  be  set  at  liberty. 

ARTICLE  22. 
In  cases  determined  by  law,  bail  shall  be  granted. 

ARTICLE  29. 

Public  employments,  civil  and  military,  can  only  be  ex- 
ercised by  Poles. 

ARTICLE  31. 

The  Polish  nation  shall  have,  for  ever,  a  national  repre- 
sentation ;  it  shall  consist  of  the  king  and  two  chambers. 
The  first  shall  be  formed  of  the  senate,  the  second  of  depu- 
ties and  delegates  of  the  commons. 

SECTION  III. 

ARTICLE  35. 

The  government  rests  in  the  person  of  the  king.  He 
exercises  the  functions  of  executive  power  in  all  their 


APPENDIX.  335 

plenitude.    All  executive  or  administrative  authority  can 
only  emanate  from  him. 

ARTICLE  45. 

All  our  successors  to  the  kingdom  of  Poland  are  bound 
to  be  crowned  kings  of  Poland  in  the  capital,  according  to 
the  form  which  we  will  establish,  and  they  shall  take  the 
oath  below : 

"  I  swear  and  promise,  before  God  and  on  His  gospel,  to 
maintain  and  support  the  constitutional  charter  with  all  my 
power." 

ARTICLE  47. 

All  the  king's  orders  and  decrees  shall  be  countersigned 
by  a  minister  at  the  head  of  the  department ;  and  who  shall 
be  responsible  for  every  thing  that  these  orders  and  decrees 
may  contain  contrary  to  the  constitution  and  laws. 


CHAPTER  H. 
Of  the  Regency. 

ARTICLE  58. 

The  regent  of  Russia  shall  take  the  same  oath  in  the 
presence  of  the  members  of  the  regency  of  the  kingdom. 

CHAPTER  m. 

Of  the  Lieutenant  and  Council  of  State. 

ARTICLE  63. 

The  council  of  state,  presided  over  by  the  king  or  his 
lieutenants,  is  composed  of  ministers,  state  counsellors, 
master  of  requests,  as  well  as  persons  whom  it  may  please 
the  king  to  appoint  specially. 

ARTICLE  65. 

The  state  council  is  divided  into  the  council  of  adminis- 
tration and  the  general  assembly. 


336  APPENDIX. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Of  the  Branches  of  the  Administration. 

ARTICLE  76. 

The  execution  of  the  laws  shall  be  intrusted  to  the  dif- 
ferent branches  of  public  administration  mentioned  below ; 
namely : — 

1 .  The  commission  of  worship  and  public  education. 

2.  The  commission  of  justice,  chosen  from  the  members 
of  the  supreme  tribunal. 

3.  The  commission  for  the  interior  and  the  police. 

4.  Commission  for  war. 

5.  Commission  for  finance  and  the  treasury. 

These  different  commissions  shall  be  each  presided  and 
directed  by  a  minister  named  for  that  purpose. 

ARTICLE  82. 

The  chief  minister  of  the  departments  and  the  members 
of  the  commissions  of  government  shall  answer  and  are 
responsible  to  the  high  national  court  for  every  breach  of 
the  constitutional  charter,  laws,  or  decrees  of  the  king  of 
v/hich  they  shall  be  guilty, 

SECTION  TV. 
National  Representation. 

CHAPTER  I. 

ARTICLE  86. 

The  legislative  power  rests  in  the  person  of  the  king 
in  the  two  chambers  of  the  diet,  conformably  to  the  arrange- 
ments of  the  article  31. 

ARTICLE  87. 

The  ordinary  diet  assembles  every  two  years  at  War- 
saw, at  the  time  determined  by  the  king's  summons.  The 
session  lasts  thirty  days.  The  king  can  prorogue,  adjourn, 
and  dissolve  it. 


APPENDIX.  337 

ARTICLE  93. 

When  the  diet  Jo  not  vote  a  new  budget,  the  old  one  is 
to  be  in  force  till  next  session.  Nevertheless,  the  budget 
ceases  at  the  end  of  four  years,  if  the  diet  is  not  convoked 
during  that  period. 

ARTICLE  97. 

It  rests  with  the  king  to  lay  the  motions  of  the  council 
of  state  before  the  chamber  of  the  senate,  or  that  of  the 
deputies  :  excepting  the  motions  about  finance  laws,  which 
must  first  be  carried  in  the  chamber  of  deputies. 

ARTICLE  102. 
Motions  are  carried  by  a  majority  of  votes. 

ARTICLE  103 

A  bill  thrown  out  in  one  chamber  cannot  be  modified  by 
another. 

ARTICLE  105. 

If  the  king  gives  his  sanction,  the  bill  passes  into  a  law 
The  king  orders  the  publication  in  the  prescribed  forms.— 
If  the  king  refuses  his  sanction,  the  bill  is  void. 

* 
CHAPTER  II. 

Of  the  Senate. 

ARTICLE  108. 

The  senate  is  composed, 

Of  princes  of  the  blood,  imperial  and  royal ; 

Of  bishops  ; 

Of  palatines ; 

Of  castellans. 

ARTICLE  109. 

The  number  of  senators  cannot  exceed  half  the  number 
of  members  and  deputies. 

ARTICLE  111. 

To  be  eligible  for  a  candidate  to  the  office  of  senator, 
palatine,  or  castellan,  one  must  be  thirty-five  years  old,  and 
Ff 


338  APPENDIX. 

pay  taxes  yearly  to  the  amount  of  2000  Polish  florins,  and 
unite  the  conditions  required  by  the  fixed  laws. 

CHAPTER  HI 
Of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies. 

ARTICLE  118. 
The  chamber  of  deputies  is  composed, 

1.  Of  seventy-seven  members  elected  by  the  dietines  or 
assemblies  of  nobles,  at  the  rate  of  a  member  for  every 
district ; 

2.  Of  fifty-one  representatives  of  the  commons. 

The  chamber  is  presided  by  a  marshal  chosen  from  the 
members  and  named  by  the  king. 

ARTICLE  120. 

The  members  of  the  chamber  of  deputies  remain  in  office 
during  six  years  ;  they  are  renewed  in  thirds  every  second 
year.  Consequently,  and  for  the  first  time,  only  one-third 
of  the  member  of  the  chambers  of  deputies  will  remain  in 
office,  during  two  years,  and  another  third  four  years.  The 
list  of  members  going  out  at  these  periods  shall  be  formed 
by  lot. 

ARTICLE  121. 

To  be  eligible  to  the  chamber  of  deputies,  the  age  of 
thirty  years  is  requisite,  the  enjoyment  of  civil  rights,  and 
to  pay  taxes  of  100  Polish  florins  a  year. 

ARTICLE  124. 

The  king  has  the  right  to  dissolve  the  chamber  of  depu- 
ties. If  he  makes  use  of  this  right,  the  chamber  separates, 
and  the  king  orders  in  the  course  of  two  months  new 
elections  of  members  and  deputies. 

SECTION  V. 
Of  the  Judicial  Order. 

ARTICLE   138. 

The  judicial  order  is  constitutionally  independent. 


APPENDIX.  339 

ARTICLE  144. 

Justices  of  the  Peace. 

There  shall  be  justices  of  peace  for  all  classes  of  the  in- 
habitants. 

ARTICLE  155. 

All  former  laws  and  institutions  contrary  to  the  present 
ere  abrogated. 

Given  in  our  royal  castle  at  Warsaw  on  the  15-27  Nov. 
1815. 

(Signed)        ALEXANDER. 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWBI 

LOAN  DEPT. 

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Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 


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